Plate 38.
The Jewish ghetto in Radom, Poland, with a poster forbidding entry by those without police
permits and warning of the danger of epidemic diseases. Jews in ghettoes were reduced into creatures
readily portrayed as a serious danger to physical health, as well as, more metaphorically, a ‘bacillus’ or
‘cancer’ in the body of the nation, which needed to be ‘purified’ of Jewish ‘contamination’.
The bureaucratically organised, technologically perfected and efficiently
executed mass murder of over 6 million Jews, as well as the almost complete
annihilation of Europe’s gypsy population, and the killing of numerous political
opponents of Nazism or others deemed ‘unworthy of life’, from a whole range of
cultural, political and national backgrounds, including communists, Social
Democrats, Conservatives, Protestants, Catholics, Jehovah’s Witnesses and
others – this mass killing, undertaken by members of that highly cultured nation
which had produced the music of Bach and the poetry of Goethe, raises
questions almost impossible to contemplate, let alone answer. But that does not
mean that the phenomenon should be elevated to a plane of unique reprehension,
abstracted from real historical explanation, above causality and the focus solely
of horror and shame. This reaction, which is quite understandable, nevertheless
evades the real questions of responsibility and guilt. Hitler created the climate
and provided the impetus for mass murder – which even conflicted with other
central aims of the regime, such as the need for slave labour in the war effort –
but he cannot be held to be the only guilty man, as certain explanations which
concentrate on the takeover of Germany by a uniquely evil individual imply. Nor
can responsibility be placed solely on a small band of fanatics around Hitler.
Hitler did not come to power by accident; nor was his regime simply maintained
by terror and coercion. Many Germans, in different capacities, facilitated the
Holocaust by their actions or permitted it to continue by their inaction. By the
end of 1943 at the latest, a considerable percentage of Germans – amounting to
several million – knew that the Jews who were being rounded up and shipped off
to the east would, directly or indirectly (via transit camps such as
Theresienstadt), ultimately end up in a place not of ‘resettlement’ but of death.
This was known, too, by governments of neutral countries and of Hitler’s
enemies; but powers such as Britain and the USA, for whatever range of reasons,
good and bad, chose to ignore the question and concentrated rather on the
military effort of defeating Germany in war.
Whatever the extent to which people ‘knew’ about the evils of the Nazi
regime, most Germans preferred to ignore or disbelieve what did not concern
them directly. Their intimations were better suppressed. There were some
courageous groups and individuals in Nazi Germany who made attempts to
oppose Hitler and terminate his rule. These included many clandestine left-wing
opposition groups in the 1930s who continued to meet, discuss and organise,
despite the flight of the SPD leadership into exile and the dispersal of KPD
members to Moscow as well as the west. There were also many who had little
hope of doing more than expressing their dissent in symbolic ways, like the
dissident youth groups such as the ‘Edelweiss Pirates’ or the swing culture. For
many who refused to assent or conform to the regime, there was little that simply
keeping faith with like-minded souls could hope to achieve. Attempts by better-
placed individuals who moved in elite circles and could hope to influence
foreign opinion or alter the course of events, such as Adam von Trott, were for a
variety of reasons unsuccessful. A few individuals were simply unlucky. Hitler
had extraordinary good fortune in escaping assassination attempts, as when the
Swabian carpenter Georg Elser single-handedly succeeded in hollowing out a
pillar in the Munich Beer Hall and installing a bomb timed to go off when Hitler
would be giving his speech commemorating the 1923 putsch. Unfortunately for
Elser’s plans, on the particular night of 9–10 November 1939, it was foggy in
Munich; Hitler decided at the last minute not to fly back to Berlin as planned,
but rather to leave early and take the overnight train. He thus had left the hall
when the bomb exploded. Elser was arrested crossing the border to Switzerland.
After detention in concentration camps throughout the war, he was finally shot in
Dachau in April 1945. A group of Catholic students in Munich, known as the
‘White Rose’ group led by Hans and Sophie Scholl, were equally courageous in
their printing and distribution of leaflets criticising the regime. Their attempts to
rouse public opinion, and to connect with other resistance groups in positions to
affect the regime, could do little more than keep a flame of morality burning
among the prevailing self-centredness, conformity and apathy. They were caught
and executed, still in their early twenties. Many others too paid with their lives.
The resistance which received most public attention in West Germany after
the war was the so-called July Plot of 1944. This constituted, however, a
somewhat ambiguous legacy for West German democracy. Many individuals
associated with the July Plot had earlier helped the Nazi regime to power and
sustained it in the 1930s. Conservative nationalists had shared many of the
revisionist foreign policy goals of Hitler, and for many doubts had begun to grow
only after 1938. Hopes of toppling Hitler and replacing him by a conservative
regime were faced with a number of difficulties, including the oath of obedience
sworn to Hitler by the army, as well as the early successes of the war which
made circumstances less propitious for a coup attempt. By the summer of 1944,
Germany’s eventual defeat was becoming increasingly inevitable, and the
accusation can be levelled against the military resistance that they simply wanted
to salvage Germany from total destruction and occupation. Moreover, even
taking into account differences of opinion among nationalist resistance circles
about the form a post-Hitler regime should take, most of them were essentially
anti-democratic in outlook. They wanted an authoritarian government by elites,
and not a return to the sort of constitution embodied in the Weimar Republic;
they disliked the idea of mass participation in government, and had little
conception of any need for popular legitimation of a new government. In the
event, their conceptions of alternative government could never be realised. The
attempt by Stauffenberg to kill Hitler failed. A briefcase containing a bomb was
placed by Stauffenberg under the large table in the Wolf’s Lair where Hitler and
others were engaged in military planning. The bomb successfully went off, and
Stauffenberg, seeing the explosion after leaving the building, returned to Berlin
reporting success. But the weighty table, under which the briefcase had been
pushed, shielded Hitler from the full blast of the explosion, and he survived
relatively unscathed. In the wake of the July Plot the reign of terror was
intensified to an extraordinary degree. Not only were the main participants in the
plot arrested and killed in the most gruesome manner, but thousands more were
also rounded up, imprisoned, tortured and in many cases put to death. Penalties
for even the most minor ‘crimes against the regime’ in the winter of 1944–5
were increased, so that thousands of ordinary Germans were executed for such
offences as listening to foreign radio broadcasts or making political jokes, as the
many agonising detailed case-histories in Berlin’s Plötzensee jail testify.
Dostları ilə paylaş: |