A history of the secularization issue

Secularization as a Cultural Phenomenon: Daniel Bell
Bell's attack on secularization is very interesting for our purposes, since to my knowledge it constitutes the one and only example of a direct confrontation between one of the carriers of the paradigm - Wilson - and a theorist who proposed an alternative view. Bell's attack, which is explicitly aimed at Wilson, "the best" representative of the "Weberian belief" in secularization (Bell 1977, p. 421), was delivered on the occasion of the 1977 Hobhouse Memorial Lecture. Wilson's answer was published in a 1979 article appearing in the Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion.

Bell starts from the idea that we must distinguish between the evolution of the "social structure" and that of the "culture". Societies are not organic wholes, where the culture is always tightly related to the structure. Quite the contrary is true: Societies are highly disjunctive, and structure and culture often go separate ways, if only because culture is not amenable to the principles of increased efficiency that determine the change in the structure. In other words, a new, more efficient technology outroots a more primitive one, but "Boulez does not replace Bach or serial music the fugue" (1977, p. 425). According to Bell, the problem with secularization theory is that it is based on the premise that religious change can be studied adequately from a structural point of view. Bell refuses this axiom, and replaces it by the opposite axiom: Changes in religion are more likely to arise in the cultural sphere, because religion deals with meanings (1977, p. 423).

For these different reasons, Bell proposes to "restore the original meaning" of the term secularization. This term must be used only with respect to changes in the social structure. In Bell's definition, then, secularization "means the disengagement of religion from political life, [...] the shrinkage of institutional authority over the spheres of public life, the retreat to a private world where religions have authority only over their followers, and not over any other section of the polity on society" (1977, p. 427). Up to that point, Bell's notion of secularization closely conforms to the CISR paradigm. Whence, then, does the disagreement stem from?

At first sight, Bell's answer seems clear enough: "When such secularization has taken place, as has clearly been the case in the last two hundred years, there is no necessary, determinate shrinkage in the character and extent of beliefs" (1977, p. 427). It thus seems that what Bell refuses is the unbelief* exemplar. In other words: There is no reason to assume that the secularization that occurred at the structural level has been taken over into the cultural level. However, Bell soon wavers on this point. Only a few lines below, he recognizes that "there has been, of course, in the culture of the last two hundred years, the more dominant trend of disbelief" (1977, p. 427). What Bell is contesting is not unbelief as a phenomenon, but the explanation which has been given to this phenomenon. Unbelief did not rise out of the social-structural sphere, but its roots lie "in somewhat autonomous tendencies in Western culture" (1977, p. 427). To summarize, "there is [...] a double process at work. One is secularization, the differentiation of institutional authority in the world, which is reinforced by the process of rationalization. The second, in the realm of beliefs and culture, is disenchantment, or what I would prefer to call, for the parallelism of the term, profanation. Thus, the sacred and secular become my pair terms for processes at work within institutions and social systems, the sacred and the profane for the processes within culture" (1977, p. 427).

What we have here is, for the first time, a criticism of the paradigm that really does propose an alternative view. Bell's notion of a process of profanation rising autonomously in the cultural sphere, independent from the concomitant process of secularization in the structural sphere, is indeed incompatible with the CISR paradigm. The paradigm in effect always postulates a close interaction between social structure and culture. The fact that there really is a divergence here explains why Wilson took the trouble to devote a whole paper, adequately entitled The Return of the Sacred (this, with a question mark and a subtitle added, was also the title of Bell's paper), to a refutation of his critic (Wilson 1979). Predictably, Wilson's answer hinges on the notion that it is illusory to think that changes in the ideational realm can occur independently from their social basis. Although I agree with Wilson's answer, I will not pursue this argument. In the present work, I am not interested in demonstrating who is right and who is wrong, but only in establishing who says what. From this point of view, Bell's paper indeed represents an attempt to say something different. To this attempt, we now turn.

Bell defines culture as "the modalities of response by sentient men to the core questions that confront all human groups in the consciousness of existence: how one meets death, the meaning of tragedy, the nature of obligation, the character of love" (1977, p. 428). As Bell himself indicates, this notion of culture is narrower than the standard definition used in anthropology, but broader than the notion of "cultivated" culture. Religion, Bell defines as the core of this "culture": "Religion is a set of coherent answers to the core existential questions that confront every human group" (1977, p. 429).

Bell's thesis is that, apart from changes that occur "in reaction to changes in institutional life" (which he unfortunately does not elaborate upon), changes in this realm "relate to the changes in moral temper and sensibility, to expressive styles and modes of symbolization, to the destruction of old symbols and the creation of new ones" (1977, p. 428). These changes in culture, which happened between the XVIII^th and XX^th centuries, can be summarized under three headings: 1) the growth of individualism; 2) the autonomization* of aesthetic norms from morality; 3) a changed understanding of death and the rise of nihilism (1977, p. 430). Bell exemplifies these well-known trends by examples that are sufficiently famous not to require elaboration. Rousseau's Confessions exemplify the rise of individualism, the emergence of the unrestrained self. Baudelaire's Fleurs du mal is taken as the paradigm of the explosion of a-moral forms of art. Finally, starting from Hegel's reflections on the master-slave dialectic in the Phenomenologie des Geistes, Bell shows that once men no longer belive in some form of life after death, the "fear of nothingness" gives rise to "new forms of aggression and domination" (1977, p. 431).

In a certain sense, one could consider that the rise of these new cultural forms is an example of the process of autonomization* of culture. As Bell himself indicates, "in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the culture, freer now from traditional restraints, no longer tied in intellectual and expressive areas to the modalities of the religious beliefs, began to take the lead, so to speak, in exploring the alternatives to the religious answers" (1977, p. 432). But in fact, this procedure would be illegitimate. The notion of autonomization*, as used in the CISR paradigm, is restricted to the consequences of institutional differentiation: education, for example, becomes autonomous from the power of the church. To that extent, we can say that the lay culture (as transmitted by education) becomes autonomous from the religious culture. However, we can never say that culture as such becomes autonomous. Every culture always remains tied to its institutional basis. As Wilson remarks, with his notion of the autonomization* of culture, Bell seems not only to accept secularization theory, but to accept it in a very radical form: "Whereas for most exponents of the theory, secularization is still in process, for Bell it appears to have run its full course; culture and structure are insulated from one another" (Wilson 1977, p. 277).

Bell stretches the autonomization* exemplar so far that it is no longer compatible with the paradigm. On the other hand, however, Bell prognosticates the "return of the sacred", on the grounds that "where religions fail, cults appear" (1977, p. 443). As we know, the rise of cults hardly constitute a challenge to the CISR paradigm. But it remains unclear what Bell exactly means by a "return of the sacred". On this point, I can only conclude by quoting Wilson's own conclusion: "What is to be understood by 'the return of the sacred'? Anything more than the likelihood that certain groups are likely to espouse special interpretations of the world? And that the groups most disposed to do so are typically comprised of those least enmeshed in the role structure of the economic system [...]? If that is all, who will quarrel? But is that a return of the sacred?" (Wilson 1979, p. 280).
CONCLUSION
There is no such thing as a modern "secularization theory", or a modern "secularization thesis". The theories put forward to account for the situation of religion in the modern world are, in many respects, divergent. Some of them see secularization starting in a hypothetically reconstructed prehistorical past, while others place its onset as late as the scientific revolution. Some secularization theories rest on a functional definition of religion so broad that all that is human is, by definition, religious, while others restrict religion to its institutions, and still others refuse to define religion altogether. Some theories see secularization as a linear and unambiguous (if not evolutionary) process, while others consider that this process proceeds in leaps and circles, and can at any time be turned back. Some theories simply rely on standard international sociology, while others are grounded in more exotic meta-theoretical frameworks: the sociology of knowledge, or systems theory. Some secularization theories even try to demonstrate that "secularization" has never happened.

The absence of a unified "secularization theory" has led some critics to the conclusion that secularization is nothing but a quagmire in which any sociologist senseless enough to let himself be lured is bound to get inextricably trapped. Nothing could be further from the truth. In reality, the theories built around the notion of secularization offer sociology what remains, to this day, the most powerful and comprehensive framework for the understanding of the situation of religion in the modern world. It is true that, while individual writers make efforts to propose coherent theories, the different theories considered together cannot be considered to amount to a unified "theory". However, they add up to a coherent paradigm. It is this paradigm which, below all the theoretical formulations, and sometimes below the level of consciousness, provides sociologists the routine cognitive background for their daily research activities - what Kuhn calls the mopping-up operations carried out in the framework of normal science. At the paradigmatic level, the theoretical divergences between the different sociologists become largely immaterial. Luckmann and Fenn work with very different definitions of religion, yet they both propose a view in which the individual's relation to the social order is radically altered, and religion has become a private affair. Similarly, although Fenn and Wilson are separated by important divergences concerning the unfolding of the process of secularization, both conclude that the secularized world is highly compatible with certain sectarians forms of religiosity. In other words, scholars who live and work in different theoretical worlds are nevertheless apt to propose common exemplars. It is from these exemplars - and not from the theories - that the modern understanding of religion draws its strength.

And indeed, in spite of the lamentations of many of its practitioners, it is clear that the modern approach to religion far outweighs in interpretive and explicative power most of the preceding approaches. To document this progress, one only has to read (with a purposefully whiggish slant) the works of many of our forebears. Not only has the theoretical framework become more subtle - who would deny that Fenn's approach is more subtle than Comte's or Spencer's? But the sheer wealth of empirical findings that has accumulated in the second part of this century has forced many a painful and salutary revision. The superior explicative power of the CISR paradigm stems from the fact that it has a long history; that it has been constituted by the synthesis of the successive efforts of several generations of researchers. In this study, we have witnessed the slow emergence of the different exemplars that constitute the bedrock cognitive framework of the paradigm. Comte and Spencer, the first contributors, have proposed two exemplars that were, for a time, to dominate the whole secularization issue, but which took on a marginal significance in the modern paradigm: scientifization and sociologization. Then, starting with Spencer, generation after generation of sociologists have refined the exemplar that was to become the central axis of the whole paradigm: differentiation. However, until Parsons' very decisive intervention, this exemplar was not systematically related to the situation of religion. Weber broadened the perspective by providing the intellectual tools to transform the somewhat crude scientifization exemplar into the more acceptable rationalization exemplar. A host of lesser exemplars emerged in the course of this history: Ross first proposed autonomization, Sumner proposed pluralism, the Lynds proposed worldliness, Catholic sociologists proposed decline in practice. Thus, progressively, the material for a coherent vision of religion in modern society emerged from the largely uncoordinated works of sociologists working in vastly different times and national traditions, and with very different interests.

But even more important for the formation of the paradigm were a number of transformations occurring at other levels. With Becker, and then Herberg, "secularization" became transformed from a mere descriptive term into a concept charged with a central theoretical significance. With the rise of functionalism, the problem of religion ceased to be posed in term of disappearance, and was envisaged as a problem of change of position and of function in the system. The same generation of American sociologists sanctioned the abandonment of the autoreference tradition. Catholic sociologists pioneered the empirical exploration of religion. European influence and the American religious revival kindled the interest of American academic sociologists in religion. Theologians operated a transmutation in the assessment of the notion of secularization, interpreting it as a liberating development of modernity. Finally, the intellectual revolution within the European CISR blended these elements together, producing at one and the same time a new generation of scholars acutely aware of their historical mission and an audience thirsty for the new vision. Subsequent "debates" around the notion of secularization must be dismissed as not much more than Kuhnian mopping-up operations or, more often, theoretical misunderstandings stemming from the divergences in the interests of the different scholars engaged in the issue.

But unfortunately, the enthusiasm for the CISR paradigm that shows through these lines must now be strongly relativized. In saying that this paradigm is, as yet, the only coherent and comprehensive framework for the analysis of religion in the modern world, I am not in any way implying that it is the only possible one. As a matter of fact, we have noted in the last chapter a number of alternative formulations which, if not as complete as the CISR paradigm, nevertheless point to some of its flaws. In the framework of the present study, I have not conducted a systematic reflection on these problems. But I would like to conclude briefly by mentioning what appears to me to be the most glaring weakness of the CISR paradigm: its failure to address the phenomenon of globalization (this issue has been addressed repeatedly by Roland Robertson [1985, 1987]).

With the exception of Luhmann's, all the approaches we have been examining consider a number of processes occurring within an implicit structural framework: the "global society". Whatever that global society may be (the United States or western civilization), it does not reach beyond the boundaries of the "first world". Secularization is a process completely endogenous to the capitalistic developed world. Our civilization is completely insulated against all external influences. Now of course, we know that this is not true. First, the fundamentalist eruptions that occur in the third world cannot be understood without taking into account European expansion. And these eruptions present to us an image of religion (as inherently reactionary) whose effects on our perception of religious problems in our own countries cannot be underestimated. But even more significantly, the discovery of other cultures and other ways of life that accompanied the European expansion had a tremendous impact on our world view. One has only to remember the discussions of the philosophes of the Enlightenment around the strange cultures they were discovering. The failure of the CISR paradigm to take into account these elements must be considered a severe shortcoming. Robertson argues that, if we truly take into account the phenomenon of globalization, "the secularization-desecularization problem is itself being transcended and subsumed" (Robertson 1987, p. 31). In other words: the whole secularization issue becomes irrelevant.

I voluntarily refrain from discussing this problem any further. I would consider it preposterous on my part to pretend to be able to bring an answer - or even the beginning of an answer - to this complex question. My only purpose in introducing this last caveat was to break with the mood of complacency that - very much against my will, since I intended to be much more critical - pervades much of this study. In this final effort, I hope to destabilize the reader, in order to prevent his coming away from the reading of this book with the false impression that all the problems have been solved. Quite the contrary is true: there is a tremendous need for new thinking in the field. If I should have been able, through this study, to show that certain old problems have been settled, and that we must therefore think and work in new directions, I would have achieved an aim more important and gratifying than the mere overcoming of a ritual academic hurdle.
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