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government has actively supported projects of the alternative gas and oil
pipelines from the Caspian Sea and Central Asia. Construction of the oil
pipeline Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan and gas pipeline Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum was one
of the most successful projects, which stimulated active cooperation between
three states in many other infrastructural projects, and gave an impetus for
the economic development of Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey. Moreover, it
has created an alternative variant for Central Asian energy resources trans-
portation to Europe and gave impulse for Nabucco project. 
Functioning of the oil pipeline Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan and signature of the
Nabucco gas pipeline construction agreement for the transportation of Turk-
menistan and Azerbaijan gas via territory of Georgia and Turkey to Europe in
2006 has changed monopoly status of the Russian Federation as a main sup-
plier of energy resources to Europe. Some experts stress that construction of
the pipeline visa Georgian territory bypassing Russia was a challenge to the
geopolitical ambitions of the Russian Federation (Svante, 2009). De-facto Cen-
tral Asian and Caspian states have only two variants for energy resources
transportation – either via Russia or via Georgia. 
In January-February 2009 many experts (Газовый конфликт, 2009)
ran a parallel between events of August 2008 in Georgia and gas disputes of
Ukraine and Russia, emphasizing that they constitute links in one and the
same chain, aiming to keep Ukraine and Georgia from the further European
and Euroatlantic integration, and it was demonstration to the European Union
whose influence in the Black Sea region was stronger. 
Some Russian experts also adhere to the same idea about interconnec-
tion of the Russian-Georgian crisis 2008 and Russian-Ukrainian gas conflict
2009, for example expert of the analytical center “Caucasus” V. Yakubyan
(США начали, 2009), but they consider this issue from another side, stressing
that these two events were provoked by the USA intending to prevent
strengthening of the EU and Russian roles in the region. 
Concerning security sphere, so the main problems are “melting” of the
conflicts on the post-Soviet space, activization of the separatist sentiments,
new configuration of the spheres of influence in the region, possibility to use
territories of the third states for conducting military operation (The Russian
Federation Black Sea Fleet problem). 
History of the Problem. Reasons for Escalation in South Ossetia and Abk-
hazia.
Beginning of the Russian-Georgian confrontation is possible to date
from the mid of the 1990-s, when one can witness the constant exacerbation
of relations, particularly because of: 
Lack of neutrality and support of the separatists by the CIS peacekeeping
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forces, which are composed only from the Russian military. 
Long-term refusal to withdraw Russian military bases of the Soviet times
from the territory of Georgia
Ongoing clashes on the borders between Georgia and separatist regions
Issuing of the Russian passports to the population of South Ossetia and
Abkhazia
Illegal construction of the railway from the Russian Federation to Abk-
hazia
Introduction of the visa regime between Georgia and Russia
Several spy scandals
Rose Revolution in Georgia and support of the Orange Revolution in
Ukraine
Euroatlantic aspirations of Georgia
Appointment of the Russian citizens – employees of the security agencies
on the policy-making posts in the separatists regions
Economic sanctions and embargo on export to the Russian Federation of
Georgian agricultural products and wines, as well as stop of the transport and
post connection between two states in 2006
Construction of the alternative pipelines (Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan, Baku-
Tbilisi-Supsa, White Stream, Nabucco)
It is possible to give prominence to four factors, which influenced the
Russian attitude towards the post-Soviet space (After August 2008, 2008):
NATO enlargement to the East, development of the alternative routes of the
energy transportation, “color” revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine; Kosovo in-
dependence proclamation. 
As for NATO enlargement, so on the eve of the Bucharest Summit in April
2008 Russian leadership on various occasions stated that if Ukraine and Geor-
gia would join North Atlantic Alliance it would be considered as a direct threat
to the national security of the Russian Federation, and any actions to prevent
such enlargement would be taken (Россия, 2008). This thesis was also in-
cluded into the Concept of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation in July
2008 (Концепция, 2008). 
Proclamation of the Kosovo independence in February 2008 provoked
active movements for independence of the Georgian and Moldova regions, in
particularly idea of the Kosovo precedent was actively used for the settlement
of the “frozen” conflicts in the Black Sea region. Official Moscow stated against
the recognition of the Kosovo independence, that is why it looked so irrational
her decision to recognize independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in Sep-
tember 2008. One of the main problems was the fact that mentioning unique-
ness of the Kosovo case, Western states could not give an explanation what
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was this uniqueness about. As a result, Black Sea separatist regions insisted
on the similarity of cases. 
Russian-Georgian crisis took place amid to the following events that
could minimize the international attention and be favorable for the Russian
Federation. First, it is rise of the world oil and gas prices, and as a result quick
filling of the Russian stabilization fund, as well as big dependence of the Eu-
ropean Union states from the Russian energy resources together with active
support by Germany of the “Northern Stream” project. Next factor that should
be mentioned is difficult negotiations on Iran nuclear programme with par-
ticipation of France, the UK, the EU, the USA and Russia, and from time to time
disagreements between the Western partners and the Russian Federation
about leverages and level of cooperation with Iran. Therefore, interest, first of
all from the USA side, in the no-crisis relations with the Russian Federation.
No small part had the actual rejection to present MAP for Ukraine and Georgia
at the NATO Summit in Bucharest in April 2008, not least because of the Russ-
ian diplomatic efforts. Political instability in Georgia and Ukraine, peak of the
presidential campaign in the USA and opening of the Olympic Games in Bei-
jing just added accents. 
All these factors in August 2008 ran the West into difficulties concerning
impossibility to adopt quick and mandatory decisions for defining adequacy
of the Russian army’s and Georgian government actions. As far back as on
March 6, 2008 the Russian Federation withdrew from the CIS decision on eco-
nomic sanctions against Abkhazia and South Ossetia and set a course for
deepening cooperation with them. Moreover, starting from May 2008, the
Russian Federation has been conducting military exercises on the Northern
Caucasus in close vicinity to the Georgian border (Caucasus – 2008) and naval
exercises in the Black Sea. 
South Ossetia was chosen not by accident. Before 2008, the situation had
been more strain in Abkhazia. However, in 2007 the decision to organize Win-
ter Olympic Games 2014 in Sochi (Russia), which is just 100 km from
Sukhumi (Abkhazia), has been adopted. Deterioration of the situation in this
conflict region could lead to a withdrawal to hold Olympic Games in Sochi
due to the impossibility to guarantee a necessary level of security. Apart from
image, Russian Federation could lose big investments, which were directed to
the infrastructure development, as well as opportunity to use resources of
Abkhazia, including infrastructure, human resources and construction mate-
rials. Yet one reason for South Ossetia to be chosen was reliance on the sup-
port from the North Ossetia, which is a part of the Russian Federation. 
In March 2008, President Saakashvili proposed the peace plan in conflict
resolution in Abkhazia, which stipulated grant of wide autonomy and creation
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