V. I. L E N I N
62
In this connection, Mr. Gushka draws the following
conclusion: “In any event, as may be gathered from the
enumerated groups of questions and petitions, our organisa-
tions have a very wide sphere of activity. . . . ” On reading
such a conclusion, one cannot help stopping to see whether
by any chance the word not has been omitted. For it is
obvious that the sphere of activity indicated by the author
is not wide at all. But it is certainly not a slip of the pen we
have here; the trouble comes from the essential “pattern” of
the author’s mentality. “It would be difficult to name any
more or less important field of the social and political life
of the country that is outside the sphere of activity of the
representative organisations of capital,” he maintains.
Incredible, but true: Mr. Gushka in all seriousness
presents us with this flagrant untruth, which he repeats
in a dozen different ways!
“It would be difficult to name. . . . ” What about the elec-
toral law? Or the agrarian question? Is it possible that these
are not “important fields of the social and political life of
the country”?
Mr. Gushka looks at “social and political life” from the
narrow peep-hole of a merchant’s standpoint. He cannot for
the life of him understand that his absolute statements
testify to narrowness, and certainly not to breadth. The
questions raised by the merchants are narrow because they
concern only the merchants. The capitalists do not rise to
questions of general political importance. “Admission of
representatives of industry and commerce” into local or
central institutions of one sort or another is the limit of
the “courage” they show in their petitions. As to how these
institutions are to be organised in general, that is something
they are unable to think of. They accept the institutions
which have taken shape at someone else’s bidding, and beg
for a place in them. They slavishly accept the political
basis created by some other class, and on this basis “peti-
tion” for the interests of their social-estate, their group, their
stratum, unable even in this sphere to rise to a broad under-
standing of the interests of the whole of their class.
Mr. Gushka, who glaringly distorts the facts, slips into a
tone of sheer praise. “The energetic and insistent pressure
brought to bear upon government bodies,” he writes. “Our
63
A QUESTIONNAIRE ON THE ORGANISATIONS OF BIG CAPITAL
organisations” “perfectly [ ! ! ] understand this themselves.”
. . . “The organisations of big capital have developed into a
regular lobby which actually exerts perhaps a greater in-
fluence upon legislation than the Duma, the more so”—the
author tries to be witty—“as Article 87
50
does not apply to the
capitalist parliament, and the organisations of capital have
never been purposely dissolved for three days.”...
This witticism is an obvious indication of the boundless
conceited narrow-mindedness of the big-wigs of industry
and of their eulogist, Gushka. A minor detail, a mere trifle,
has been overlooked: the Duma raises questions concerning
the entire state administration and all classes, being an
institution of the whole state, while the organisations of the
merchant big-wigs consider it courageous to raise questions con-
cerning only the merchants, only the rights of the merchants.
Mr. Gushka goes to the length of quoting the statement,
made by the Ufa Stock-Exchange Committee in its report
for 1905-06, that “the government itself, by a series of
fundamental measures to reform the stock-exchange institu-
tions, is selecting ... worthy assistants for itself”, and he calls
this statement “correct”, puts the last phrase in italics, and
speaks of “real and active co-operation with the government”.
On reading such stuff one cannot help thinking of the
German word Lobhudelei—grovelling adulation, or adula-
tory grovelling. To speak with a smug countenance—in
1905-06—of “fundamental measures to reform—the stock-
exchange institutions”! Why, this is the viewpoint of a
flunkey whom the master has permitted to “consult” with
the cook about arrangements for dinner, etc., calling the
two of them his “worthy assistants”.
How close Mr. Gushka is to this point of view can be seen
from that subsection of Chapter XV dealing with the results
of the petitions of the organisations, which he has entitled
“Losing Positions”. “It cannot be denied,” we read there,
“that there are several fields in which the petitions and
demands of the representatives of capital do come up against
government resistance.” Then follow examples in this se-
quence: (1) state-owned forests—the state is itself engaged
in the timber industry; (2) railway tariffs—the railways are
run by the state itself; (3) the question of representation in
the Zemstvos; and (4) the question of representation in the