Collected Works of V. I. Lenin Vol
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- Parties in the Third Duma
53 POLITICAL PARTIES IN RUSSIA power of the market, of money and capital, leads to their expansion. However, the phrases about “the labour principle” and “Narodnik socialism” express the democrat’s deep faith in the possibility and indispensability of destroying all medie- valism in landownership and, at the same time, in the po- litical system as well (just as they express his sincere desire to achieve this). Whereas the liberals (the Cadets) seek to share political power and political privileges with the Purishkeviches, the Narodniks are democrats precisely because they are striving, and are bound to strive at present, to abolish all the privileges of landed property and all privileges in politics. The position of the great bulk of the Russian peasants is such that they cannot even dream of any compromise with the Purishkeviches (something quite possible, attainable and near and dear to the liberal). That is why the democracy of the petty bourgeoisie will have roots among the masses in Russia for a fairly long time to come, whereas Stolypin’s agrarian reform, 47 an expression of the Purishkeviches’ bourgeois policy against the muzhik, has so far produced nothing durable but—the starvation of thirty million peasants! The millions of starving small proprietors cannot help striving for a different kind of agrarian reform, a democratic one, which cannot break out of the bounds of capitalism or abolish wage slavery, but can sweep medievalism from the face of the Russian land. The Trudoviks are an extremely weak group in the Third Duma, but they represent the masses. The vacillation of the Trudoviks between the Cadets and the worker democrats is an inevitable result of the class position of the small pro- prietors, and the fact that it is particularly difficult to rally, organise and enlighten them accounts for the extreme- ly indeterminate and amorphous character of the Tru- doviks as a party. That is why the Trudoviks, with the aid of the stupid “otzovism” of the Left Narodniks, present the sad picture of a liquidated party. The difference between the Trudoviks and our own near- Marxist liquidators is that the former are liquidators out of weakness, while the latter are liquidators out of malice.
V. I. L E N I N 54 The task of the working-class democracy is to help the weak petty-bourgeois democrats, wrest them from the liberals, and rally the democratic camp against the counter-revolu- tionary Cadets and not merely against the Rights. Concerning the working-class democracy, which had its group in the Third Duma, we can say but little here. Everywhere in Europe, the parties of the working class took shape by casting off the influence of general democratic ideology and learning to distinguish between the struggle of the wage-workers against capital and the struggle against feudalism, which they did, incidentally, in order to strength- en the latter struggle, to rid it of all wavering and timidity. In Russia, the working-class democracy completely dis- sociated itself both from liberalism and from bourgeois democracy (Trudovikism), to the great advantage of the democratic cause in general. The liquidationist trend among the working-class demo- crats (Nasha Zarya and Zhivoye Dyelo) shares the weakness of Trudoviks, glorifies amorphousness, longs for the status of a “tolerated” opposition, rejects the hegemony of the workers, confines itself to words about an “open” organisa- tion (while inveighing against the organisation that is not open), and advocates a liberal labour policy. The connection between this trend and the disintegration and decadence of the period of counter-revolution is evident, and its falling-away from the working-class democracy is becoming obvious.
The class-conscious workers, who are not liquidating any- thing and are rallying their ranks in opposition to liberal influences, organising as a class and developing all forms of trade union and other unity, are coming forward both as representatives of wage-labour against capital and as repre- sentatives of consistent democracy against the entire old regime in Russia and against any concessions to it. By way of illustration, we give below the figures relating to the strength of the various parties in the Third Duma, which we borrow from the official Duma Handbook for 1912. 55 POLITICAL PARTIES IN RUSSIA Parties in the Third Duma Landlords Rights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 Nationalists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 Independent nationalists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Right Octobrists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Octobrists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120
Total government parties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 268 The Bourgeoisie Progressists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 Cadets
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 Polish Kolo 47a . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Polish-Lithuanian-Byelorussian group . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Moslem group . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Bourgeois Democrats Trudovik group . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 Working-Class Democrats Social-Democrats . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Unaffiliated . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Thus there have been two possible majorities in the Third Duma: (1) the Rights and the Octobrists= 268 out of 437; (2) the Octobrists and the liberals= 120 $115= 235 out of 437. Both majorities are counter-revolutionary.
Published according May 1 0 , 1 9 1 2 to the text in Nevskaya Zvezda Signed: V. Ilyin
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