physicians. Geneva, Switzerland: Traditional Medicine Program.
Healing of the Akan People 51
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Imhotep Journal, Volume 7, May 2010
Traditional Healing Among the Maasai in Tanzania
By Tyra M. Singleton
There was a legend long ago that Engai (God) had three children to whom
he gave three gifts. The first received an arrow to make his living by hunting. The
second, received a hoe to dig the land and grow crops, and the third received a
stick to use in herding cattle. The third son, whose name was Natero Kop, was the
father of the Maasai people (Saitoti & Beckwith, 1980, p. 17). Adorned in elaborate
beadwork and dressed in toga style garments, armed with javelins, iron implements,
swords and shields, the Maasai are a vibrant, dynamic group of people who still
to this day hold true to their values, culture, and indigenous lifestyle, continuing
to be the proud keepers of cattle. What is significant about the Maasai is that they
represent a situation within Kenya and Tanzania where they are faced with pressures
to become more apart of the modern world, while still holding true to their traditional
culture. Specifically, among the Maasai and many other ethnic groups of the Kenyan-
Tanzanian region, the issue of the traditional versus the modern world can be best
exemplified through the role and use of traditional medicine within these regions.
Therefore, this paper aims to explore traditional healing among the Massai people,
specifically within the context of Tanzania, focusing on: 1) the Maasai spiritual
system and their conceptions of health and illness; 2) the role of traditional healing;
and 3) conflicts between traditional and Western medicine and how it relates African
personality development.
The Maasai are pastoral people living in Kenya and Tanzania, in the Great
Rift Valley Region of East Africa. First European visits to the region, describe the
Maasai as, “Physically… among the handsomest of mankind, with slender bones,
narrow hips and shoulders and most beautifully rounded muscles and limbs” (Saitoti
& Beckwith, 1980, p. 17). The origins and history of the Maasai is embedded in both
52 Imhotep Journal
mystery and myth. Their race is considered a hybrid of the Nilotes of the Nile Valley,
and the Hamites, originating from North Africa. It is believed that in the fifteenth
century, the Maasai migrated from North Africa, along the Nile River down to East
Africa, arriving in present day Kenya, near Lake Turkuna (Saitoti & Beckwith, 1980).
The Tanzanian Maasai are different from their Kenyan kinfolk, primarily because
of them having less contact with the West (Saitoti & Beckwith, 1980). Therefore, the
Tanzanian Maasai will be examined in this paper for their more traditional lifestyle.
Many ethnic groups, still practicing traditional, indigenous lifestyles face criticism
for not modernizing themselves. Opposing this approach to studying the Maasai, this
paper aims to give a general, yet accurate account of traditional healing within this
ethnic group, by studying the Maasai through an African centered methodological
framework. This is essential in studying the people of African descent, as it places
their culture, belief system, and worldview at the center of analysis. Before, traditional
healing is explored through the Tanzanian Maasai, knowledge of the general Maasai
spirituality and concepts of health and illness must be first engaged.
The Maasai People: Spirituality, Health and Illness
The Maasai believe in one God, Engai, and their harmony with nature is
closely intertwined with their admiration for God (Saitoti & Beckwith, 1980). Engai
is the Supreme God, dwelling on earth, and in heaven. There are two aspects of Engai:
the first, Engai Narok, the God of which is Black, is the good and benevolent God; and
the second, Engai Na-nyokie, the red or avenging God, represents God’s holy anger
(Saitoti & Beckwith, 1980, p. 26). Maasai conceptions of health and illness can be
best explained through their understandings on the expression of anger. Among the
Maasai, anger is associated with ideals of warrior hood. They are expected to show
their fighting spirit in appropriate contexts, and to develop the ability to control it in
others (Spencer, 1988, p. 120). Additionally, the term “to be angry,” or a-goro, is the
reflexive form of “to suffocate.” The Maasai believe that breathlessness associates
with the heart, and when the “heart is transformed” (e-ibelekenya) it becomes black.
Anger enters the heart and rises, causing a feeling of suffocation. They see the heart
Healing Among the Maasai 53
as the direct link between any emotional state and difficulty breathing (Spencer,
1988).
By associating breath and breathing, a detrimental function of life, to the
emotional state of a human beings, recognizes that living a healthy life is directly
associated with healthy emotions. Living in a state of emotional turmoil can be
harmful to one’s health. The Maasai acknowledge that anger is a natural emotion,
but should be expressed in different ways, depending upon one’s age. Good mental
health is seen as having the ability to not let anger engulf one’s heart, to be able to
control one’s anger and emotion. However, if anger is not controlled and the heart
is changed for the worse, this person can be considered unhealthy. This idea that
healthy emotions, means a healthy mental state will be explored further in regard to
western medicine.
The Role of Traditional Medicine: The People and Healers
Traditional healers provide health care to a large part of the Tanzanian
population. In rural areas, traditional medicine is sometimes the only available
source of health care within a reasonable distance (Gessler et al., 1995, p. 146). A
study undertaken in 1993 on public health services in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania,
showed that 21% of interviewed patients reported that they had consulted a traditional
healer before coming to the western health care facility (Ostermayer et al., 1993).
Additionally, another study conducted by Katz and Kimani (1982) examined the
reasons why patients sought traditional medical treatment after already attending
a dispensary or hospital. Some of the reasons include: long waits in line, brief
encounters with hospital doctors or staff, feelings of confusion and being alone
in an unaccustomed environment, no opportunity to express one’s own concerns,
and being given medicine without any explanation as to the cause of the illness and
without proper prescription of the drug (Katz & Kimani, 1982). Through this data,
conducted in the Kenyan and Tanzanian region, one can argue that people seek
out traditional healing because of they are in search of having a meaningful and
personal relationship with their doctor, that is sometimes hard to find within western
54 Imhotep Journal
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