15
declared that he would restore the powers of the tribunes. This was generally well received by
the people, but when he declared that he would tackle the problem of the corruption of the
courts, the people broke out in shouts of approval.
34
There is no doubt that Pompey‟s first
speech in the popular assembly was a great success, and Sallust says that Pompey‟s intention
with this speech was to ingratiate himself with the people, so that he could use it as a political
instrument in the future.
35
The question is whether this popularity was due to Pompey‟s
oratorical skills as such or rather the fact that he was a successful general promoting a
popular political view. Persuasion consists, of course, partly in addressing the concerns of the
audience and as far as possible making it appear that one is sympathetic and willing to help.
On the other hand, it was by now generally recognised, also in the senate (cf. Catulus‟ reply
to Pompey as reported by Cicero), that something had to be done regarding the tribunician
powers and the courts.
36
Pompey‟s promise to the people was therefore both popular and
politically safe. It would not have needed a very skilled orator to put this message across in a
successful way, and Cicero does not report anything on Pompey‟s performance to suggest
that it stood out for its oratorical qualities.
Similarly popular was Pompey‟s public announcement of his discharge of military imperium
just before commencing his consulship on the first of January 70 B.C. This leads Plutarch to
34
Cic. Verr. 1.44-5; Sall. Hist. 4.39-40 with P. McGushin, Sallust: the Histories 2 (Oxford,
1994) comment ad loc.; Pseudoasconius ad Cic. Verr. 1.45 (T. Stangl, Ciceronis orationum
scholiastiae (Hildesheim, 1964), 220); Plut. Pomp. 21.4; App. BC 1.121. See Morstein-Marx
(n. 2), 121 for the rhetorical argument of the contio expressing the will of the populus, as
used by Cicero.
35
Sall. Hist. 4.42 with McGushin (n. 34) comment ad loc.
36
See further Gruen (n. 3), 25-8, 34-5.
16
conclude that Pompey‟s consular colleague, Crassus, had more influence in the senate, while
Pompey was the darling of the people, his popularity reaching a climax at his laying down his
military imperium as a kind of spectacle offered to the people.
37
Pompey certainly knew how
to bank on his fame, and, as Quintilian remarked, Pompey was no more eloquent than when
boasting of his own accomplishments.
Pompey is likely to have continued to sing his own praises at public assemblies in the
following years. His command against the pirates in 67 B.C. may also have been secured
partly through an address in the contio and certainly through Pompey‟s popularity with the
people. The violent opposition to the bill in the senate was countered by Caesar alone,
Plutarch tells us, because he wanted to boost his own credentials with the people by backing a
popular cause.
38
Sallust and Dio furthermore inform us that Pompey himself, Gabinius and
37
Plut. Pomp. 21.4, 22.3. It is unclear from Plutarch‟s account whether this announcement
was made at the same time as the promise of tribunician reform or in a separate speech. F.
Pina Polo, Las Contiones Civiles y Militares en Roma (Zaragoza, 1989) does not list
Pompey‟s announcement in his Appendices, thereby suggesting that it was made together
with the promise of tribunician reform.
38
Plut. Pomp. 25.3. Plutarch may have transposed Caesar‟s backing of the Manilian proposal
the following year to the Gabinian proposal: Gruen (n. 3), 80, n. 142; R. Seager, Pompey. A
Political Biography (Oxford, 1979), 33, n. 49; O.D. Watkins, „ Caesar solus? Senatorial
Support for the Lex Gabinia‟, Historia 36 (1987), 120-1. Furthermore, Plutarch‟s wording
suggests that the opposition to the bill was only among high-ranking senators, opening up the
possibility that Caesar‟s support was joined by other low-ranking senators. Senators speaking
against were, amongst others, the consul C. Calpurnius Piso and the consular Q. Hortensius
Hortalus (Plut. Pomp. 25; Cic. Leg. Man. 52) but we know nothing of the content of their
17
Lutatius Catulus (cos. 78 B.C.) spoke, the second in favour, the third against the bill.
39
That
both Sallust and Dio revised and sometimes even invented speeches to fit their stylistic and
narrative aims is generally accepted,
40
but at times speeches recorded in their works seem to
reflect to some degree main points of the speeches, their effect, or the character of the
speaker. Indeed, the speech put into Pompey‟s mouth by Dio echoes Pompey‟s well-known
tendency to feign reluctance of further tasks while clearly wishing this command. He is said
to have argued that he had already fought a number of wars successfully on behalf of the
Roman people and that there were many other good candidates for the job. His summary of
his victories can be seen as is yet another articulate self-advertisement of the kind we know
he was so good at producing. If Pompey spoke on this occasion, the argumentation and style
proposed by Dio is in character, and the ploy in feigning reluctance implies a speech of some
care and effectiveness. The bill was passed in the end. Whether or not Pompey spoke at this
event, his previous cultivation of popular support in past contiones helped him secure this
command.
speeches. Tan (n. 2), 183 argues that Gabinius took his bill to the senate rather than the contio
„in order to preempt claims of popularis demagoguery or exploitation of Pompey‟s
popularity.‟ But it was exactly Pompey‟s popularity with the people which made the bill an
attractive one to support for Caesar and other junior senators.
39
Sall. Hist. 5.16-20 (with McGushin (n. 6) comm. ad loc.); Dio 36.25-36a. See Gruen (n. 3),
65-6 for a discussion of the individuals behind the opposition to Pompey‟s command and the
command against Mithridates the following year.
40
Sallust: P. McGushin, Bellum Catilinae. A Commentary (Leiden, 1977) Appendix VII; K.
Büchner, Sallust
2
(Heidelberg, 1982), 161. Dio: F. Millar, „Some speeches in Cassius Dio‟,
MH 18 (1961), 11-22; F. Millar, A Study of Cassius Dio (Oxford, 1964), 78-83; A.M.
Gowing, The Triumviral Narratives of Appian and Cassius Dio (Ann Arbor, 1992), 225-45.
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