12
by somebody else and the resulting attempts to hide such instances is likely to have led to the
scarcity of evidence.
29
Quintilian‟s report is, however, evidence of Cicero acting as Pompey‟s
and Ampius Balbus‟ speech-writer. This passage does not prove that Cicero wrote a speech
for Ampius to be delivered at his trial in 55 B.C., it could just as well have been for another
occasion. But the link between Pompey and Pompey‟s loyal supporter as two named
recipients of Cicero‟s oratorical help is noteworthy and probably not accidental. It is, in fact,
most likely that such acts of speech-writing took place during the latter half of the 50s B.C.,
when Cicero had to subordinate himself to Pompey‟s wishes. Furthermore, this passage
suggests that Pompey wanted to strengthen his own oratorical performances with Cicero‟s
well-known brilliance; was he perhaps less confident in his own abilities or did he simply
want to make his own speeches as powerful as possible?
Another clue to Pompey‟s attempts to fortify his performances is provided by Suetonius. He
informs us in his work on the grammarians and rhetoricians that „certain historians‟ report
that Pompey, on the very eve of civil war, renewed his habit of declamation practices so as to
Shackleton Bailey thinks that the father speaking was Domitius, and not Serranus who may
have been dead already. When Atticus encouraged Cicero to compose a speech for Brutus
shortly after the murder of Caesar, Cicero declined on the grounds that Brutus, as most poets
or orators, would prefer his own version (Cic. Att. 14.20.3). As F. Pina Polo, Contra Arma
Verbis. Der Redner vor dem Volk in der späten römischen Republik (Stuttgart, 1996), 27
notes, Cicero‟s reason for not writing a speech for Brutus was not ethical, which supports the
impression that writing speeches for others was not an uncommon activity.
29
See Tac. Ann. 13.3 for an example of such dishonour in imperial times: Nero delivering the
funeral oration, written by Seneca, over Claudius.
13
better confront the tribune Curio‟s eloquent support of Caesar.
30
Pompey was not the only
active politician to take up rhetorical exercises: Cicero taught the future consuls Hirtius and
Pansa after Caesar‟s murder, Marcus Antonius received help with his speeches in the autumn
of 44 B.C., and Cicero himself continually kept up his practicing.
31
Yet, while exercises in
declamation were common for young men under education, rhetorical exercises by adult
orators were unusual, hence Suetonius‟ need to comment on this.
32
Pompey may have felt an
extra need to polish his oratory in this crucial political situation. As with Cicero‟s speech-
writing for Pompey, the declamation exercises could be taken as Pompey‟s recognition of the
need for expert help at critical moments precisely because his own oratorical talents were
lacking the necessary edge, but also simply as a sign of Pompey wanting to strengthen his
oratory as much as possible.
So far, we have considered general testimonies to Pompey‟s oratorical skills which give a
picture of a politician at home when describing his own military victories. These victories,
and his continued advertisement of them, secured him the dignitas and auctoritas which
again made his speeches more persuasive and weighty, even if they were not following the
rhetorical handbooks or did not stand out for oratorical brilliance. Shyness and reluctance to
commit to specific political causes may have worked against him, but could equally well
30
Suet. Rhet. 1 (= 25 in Kaster (n. 14)). See Suet. Rhet. 3 (= 27 Kaster (n. 14)) with Kaster (n.
14), 298-300 for the possible identity of Pompey‟s teacher of declamation.
31
Hirtius and Pansa: Cic. Att. 14.12.2. Antonius: Cic. Phil. 2.8, 2.42-3 (with J.T. Ramsey,
Cicero. Philippics I–II (Cambridge, 2003), 223-5), 2.101, 3.22 (with G. Manuwald, Cicero,
Philippics 3-9 (Berlin & New York, 2007), 2.406); Suet. Rhet. 5 (= 29 Kaster (n. 14)).
Cicero: Suet. Rhet. 1 (= 25 Kaster (n. 14)).
32
Kennedy (n. 3), 312-22.
14
have helped him retain a persona of military grandeur without contamination from mundane
political issues and quarrels. When speaking, he at times boosted his performance with
Cicero‟s ghost-writing or declamation practices. This suggests a lack of self-confidence, if
not necessarily a lack of actual skill, in his oratorical talents.
POMPEY’S CONTIONAL PERFORMANCES
The question is whether these general statements concur with what we know of specific
occasions at which Pompey spoke, especially in the contio. In this section, we shall see
exemplified the testimonia regarding Pompey‟s skill in speaking of his own accomplishments
and exploitation of his popularity with the people. His non-committal strategy will also be
highlighted and shown to have been expressed in both words and action. Yet, Pompey‟s
speeches in the contio also show a man able to speak clearly and strongly, even to a hostile
audience.
The first public speech by Pompey recorded in our sources is his speech delivered to the
people in 71 B.C. when he was consul-elect. This instance illustrates Pompey‟s ability to
perform well in front of a supportive audience. His election to the consulship was a testament
to his great military victories and political acumen in exploiting these victories to gain the
consulship before the normal age and without any previous political magistracy.
33
Discontent
with Sulla‟s curtailing of the tribunes‟ powers and the corruption of the all-senatorial court
juries were burning political issues, which Pompey knew how to exploit. Cicero reports that
Pompey raised the issue of the tribunes‟ power in the senate, followed by a contio where he
33
Hence his request that Varro compose a handbook on senatorial procedure for his use: Gell.
NA. 14.7.
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