3
I intend to show that Pompey‟s contional performances were characterised by his skill in self-
praise, his exploitation of popular sentiments and his knowledge of his dependence on the
people‟s favour in the contio. When speaking, his expressions were often politically vague,
from choice rather than lack of ability, and his whole career illustrates his preference for and
mastering of a non-committal tactic. Only when it was expedient, or he was provoked, did he
express himself directly – sometimes even harshly. Pompey advanced his career less through
purely oratorical skills, and more through his popularity with the people (whom he nurtured
in the contio), stemming from his military achievements, and through his shrewd political
talent for knowing when to speak and what to say and, in particular, when not to speak and
what not to say.
TESTIMONIA TO POMPEY’S ORATORY
General testimonia to Pompey‟s oratory are few and often intermingled with descriptions of
his character or comparisons with his colleague and rival M. Licinius Crassus. These
testimonia single out Pompey‟s ambition as the driving force behind his career, cast his
speeches as particularly eloquent when depicting his own military exploits and emphasise his
reliance on his auctoritas, but they also criticise his resorting to ghost-writing and rhetorical
exercises beyond his early career. Cicero, in his history of the Roman orators, the Brutus
from 46 B.C., is the first to assess Pompey‟s talents:
Meus autem aequalis Cn. Pompeius vir ad omnia summa natus maiorem dicendi gloriam
habuisset, nisi eum maioris gloriae cupiditas ad bellicas laudes abstraxisset. Erat oratione
satis amplus, rem prudenter videbat; actio vero eius habebat et in voce magnum splendorem
et in motu summam dignitatem.
4
„My contemporary, Gnaeus Pompeius, a man destined to excellence in all fields, would have
reached a greater reputation for eloquence if ambition for even greater glory had not diverted
him towards the prizes of a military career. His manner of speaking was sufficiently ample
and he had a good judgement in perceiving the question at hand; but his delivery was mainly
impressive through his fine voice and the great dignity of his bearing.‟
5
Cicero‟s evaluation covers the main elements incorporated in most descriptions of Pompey,
firstly, Pompey‟s insatiable ambition for power and glory, which made him pursue a military
career and try to outshine any possible rival, and, secondly, the perception that Pompey‟s
oratory was built mainly on his understanding of the political game and his natural and
towering dignitas rather than on brilliant oratorical skills. Cicero‟s description is not overly
positive in terms of Pompey‟s speaking powers when compared to the description of other
orators in the Brutus.
Cicero‟s conclusions are often repeated in the other ancient sources. Authors such as Caesar,
Sallust, Lucan, Seneca, Plutarch and Dio describe Pompey‟s ambition as overpowering all
other considerations,
6
and some detail how Pompey exuded a natural auctoritas and dignitas,
7
but Seneca also explains how shyness made Pompey blush when speaking in public.
8
This
5
Cic. Brut. 239.
6
Caes. B. Civ. 1.4.4; Sall. Hist. 2.18, 2.20 with P. McGushin, Sallust: the Histories 1
(Oxford, 1992) ad loc.; Luc. 1.125-6; Sen. Marc. 14.3; Ep. 94.65; Plut. Caes. 28.1; Pomp.
53.7; Dio 36.24.6, 41.54.1.
7
Sall. Hist. 2.17; Vel. Pat. 2.29.2; Val. Max. 6.2.4; Plut. Pomp. 2.1; Crass. 7.4.
8
Sen. Ep. 11.4. McGushin (n. 6), 193 makes the comparison between Seneca‟s
characterisation of Pompey and that of Sallust (Hist. 2.17), partly derived from Varro and
5
timidity, combined with Pompey‟s tendency never to relay openly his thoughts and wishes
and not to commit to any particular viewpoint,
9
may have detracted from his natural dignitas
and given the impression of a less accomplished speaker. Valerius Maximus certainly argues
that Pompey‟s tactic of keeping a straight face in spite of the accusations hurled at him
allowed him to become an object of ridicule, despite his great auctoritas.
10
Valerius presents
this observation as a general trait of Pompey‟s public appearance, and exemplifies it with
Pompey‟s (possible) defence of Manilius Crispus in 69 or 68 B.C., where, apparently, the
prosecutor Cn. Piso countered Pompey‟s towering auctoritas with the accusation that
Pompey intended to start a civil war.
11
How far we can rely on the dating of the court case or
the precise exchanges between Piso and Pompey is uncertain. Yet, this example illustrates
Valerius‟ general point about Pompey as the object of public ridicule in spite of, or exactly as
transmitted by Pliny (HN 7.53, 37.14 with R. Syme, Sallust (Oxford, 1964), 206 and n. 118).
But any clear evidence of Seneca‟s source for Pompey‟s shyness escapes us. For a
consideration of Seneca‟s portrayal of Pompey throughout his works, see M.T. Griffin,
Seneca. A Philosopher in Politics (Oxford, 1976), 182-94, esp. 189-90.
9
Cic. Att. 4.1.7, 4.9.1; Fam.1.1.3, 1.2.3, 1.5b.2, 8.1.3, 8.4.4; Q Fr. 2.2.3, 3.6.4; Val. Max.
6.2.4; Dio 36.24.5.
10
Val. Max. 6.2.4. See also Val. Max. 1.6.12 with the comment of D. Wardle, Valerius
Maximus. Memorable Deeds and Sayings. Book I (Oxford, 1998), 207: „No human being is
credited with influence (auctoritas) more than Pompey.‟
11
For the question of Pompey‟s possible defence and the identity of Cn. Piso, see E.S. Gruen,
„Pompey and the Pisones,‟ (
Californian Studies in)
Classical Antiquity 1 (1968), 155-70, at
160-62. See also Helvius Mancia‟s attack on Pompey in 55 B.C. (Val. Max. 6.2.8) with the
discussion of this incident in C.E.W. Steel, Cicero, Rhetoric, and Empire, (Oxford, 2001),
146-7.