21
underlines his skill in dodging the controversial issues when expedient.
47
The question
remains whether this skill is to be considered an oratorical or political skill.
In contrast with Pompey‟s lack of commitment regarding current political issues, he was
characteristically outspoken about his exploits in the East. When he was finally allowed a
triumph for his Eastern victories in September 61 B.C., it surpassed all previous triumphs in
its lavish display of spoils and placards advertising the extraordinary number of peoples and
areas subdued.
48
Pliny alerts us to the fact that Pompey also spoke at this occasion, when he
declared in a contio, speaking of his achievements, that he had found Asia the remotest of the
provinces but made it into a central dominion of his country.
49
As always, Pompey spoke
with gravity and fluency when describing his own accomplishments. Two other snippets from
speeches held at contiones of uncertain dates underlines this trait further. Plutarch reports that
Pompey had told the people, in a contio we must assume, that he had received every office
earlier than he had expected, and laid it down more quickly than others had expected, adding
that his disbanding of the armies was a continuous testimony to the truth of his words.
50
In a
similar vein, Orosius explains that Pompeius himself told the contio about the war in the East
47
Tan (n. 2), 167, 183 and Lintott (n. 45), 155-7 both argue, from different angles, that
Pompey‟s answer was a signal of his support of the senate and of his unwillingness to go
down the popularis route.
48
Plin. HN. 7.98-9, 33.151, 37.11-14; Livy Per. 103; Plut. Pomp. 45; Dio 37.21.2-3; App.
Mith. 116-17; Strabo 12.3.31. For discussion of Pompey‟s two supplicationes of 63 BC and
62 BC, see F. Hickson-Hahn, „Pompey‟s Supplicatio Duplicata: A Novel Form of
Thanksgiving‟, Phoenix 54 (2000), 244-54.
49
Plin. HN 7.99.
50
Plut. Pomp. 54.1.
22
in which he had fought against 22 kings.
51
Both of these fragments could be argued to stem
from the speech held in connection with his triumph, but they could also belong to earlier
speeches delivered shortly after Pompey‟s return to Rome.
52
Strong opposition to Pompey
among some senatorial quarters had created a sense of trepidation as to Pompey‟s actions
upon return. Especially Crassus and Cato had somewhat provocatively warned against
Pompey coming back as a new Sulla, but Pompey instead announced the dismissal of his
army upon his return to Italy, signalling his willingness to step down from his high position
and exert his influence through the traditional channels.
53
Pompey‟s words as reported in
Plutarch could be argued to stem from such an announcement, and it would again have
required some oratorical ability to counter the claims of Crassus, Cato and their sympathisers.
The snippets from Plutarch and Orosius underline, in any case, the trend of Pompey‟s
oratorical skill at times of self-aggrandisement, but also the trend of our sources to record
such catching „sound bites‟ rather than full speeches. The triumph of 61 B.C. was an
important moment in Pompey‟s career as it was his chance to boost his general popularity
among the people and a moment to forget the mundane worries of political life and, in
particular, his problems of getting a strong footing within the political elite. Like previous
occasions, it was not through an oratorical performance in the senate or the courts that he
bolstered his claim to influence and recognition, but rather in a speech to the adoring people
in the contio, speaking of his main asset of military victories.
51
Oros. 6.6.4.
52
Pina Polo (n. 37), 295 no. 277 takes Pliny‟s and Orosius‟ evidence to stem from the same
contio in January 61 B.C.
53
Vel. Pat. 2.40; Plut. Pomp. 43-44, 46; Plut. Cato. 26.4; Dio 37.43-4, 37.49-50. See Gruen
(n. 3), 65-6, 396 for context.
23
Further possible „sound bites‟ from Pompey‟s mouth may have survived, which suggests that
Pompey could speak clearly, even brusquely, when expedient or necessary. Later sources
such as Plutarch, Appian and Dio detail how Caesar as consul in 59 B.C. called upon Pompey
and Crassus in a contio to speak in favour of his agrarian bill.
54
Appian simply tells us that
Caesar asked their opinion and that Pompey and Crassus said they approved.
55
Plutarch is
slightly more elaborate, apparently quoting Pompey‟s reply to Caesar‟s question of whether
he would protect the law against any opposition: „
“Πάνυ μὲν οὖν,” ἔφη ὁ Πομπήϊος,
“ἀφίξομαι, πρὸς τοὺς ἀπειλοῦντας τὰ ξίφη μετὰ ξίφους καὶ θυρεὸν κομίζων.”‟
(„“Yes, indeed,” said Pompey, “I will come, bringing, against those who threaten swords,
both swords and shields.”‟)
56
Dio gives the fullest account, seemingly quoting and
paraphrasing a whole speech of Pompey‟s ending with a declaration similar to that quoted in
Plutarch: „
ἄν τις τολμήσῃ ξίφος ἀνελέσθαι, καὶ ἐγω τὴν ἀσπίδα ἀναλήψομαι.‟ („If
any one dares to raise a sword, I also will snatch up my shield.‟)
57
How far we can trust the
54
Morstein-Marx (n. 2), 264 seems in no doubt that Caesar did produce Pompey and Crassus
in a contio in order for them to support his agrarian bill.
55
App. BC 2.10.
56
Plut. Pomp. 47.4-5. Transl. B. Perrin, Plutarch’s Lives 5 (Cambridge (Mass.), 1917)
(adapted).
57
Dio 38.5.4. Transl. E. Cary, Dio’s Roman History 3 (Cambridge (Mass.), 1914). Rhiannon
Ash suggests the possibility of a literary joke (by Pompey or the historians) in the reversal of
Archilochus‟ poem about throwing away his shield, a theme picked up later by Alcaeus,
Anacreon and Horace. For discussion of this theme, see D.N. Levin, „War and Peace in Early
Roman Elegy‟, in W. Haase (ed.) ANRW II.30.1 (Berlin & New York, 1982), 418-538, at
429-34.
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