18
Pompey famously managed to subdue the pirates and, afterwards, defeat Mithridates, and his
remarkable military successes were praised in literature and oratory.
41
In return for
immortalising his deeds, Pompey bestowed the citizenship on the historian Theophanes and
his hometown of Mytilene, and made sure to publicise his gift and therefore his military
exploits in a speech given in a military assembly in 62 B.C.
42
Speaking of his own successes
was, as we now know, one of Pompey‟s specialities.
But Pompey‟s eloquence was to be tested for the first time at his first public speech upon his
return from the East. Cicero reports from the contio in circus Flaminius in early 61 B.C.,
giving us further indications of Pompey‟s evasive tactic:
Prima contio Pompei qualis fuisset scripsi ad te antea: non iucunda miseris, inanis improbis,
beatis non grata, bonis non gravis. itaque frigebat. tum Pisonis consulis impulsu levissimus
tribunus pl. Fufius in contionem producit Pompeium. res agebantur in circo Flaminio, et erat
in eo ipso loco illo die nundinarum
πανήγυρις. quaesivit ex eo placeretne ei iudices a
praetore legi, quo consilio idem praetor uteretur. id autem erat de Clodiana religione ab
senatu constitutum. (2) tum Pompeius
μάλ᾿ ἀριστοκρατικῶς locutus est senatusque
auctoritatem sibi omnibus in rebus maximi videri semperque visam esse respondit, et id
multis verbis.
41
Cic. Flacc. 28; Suet. Rhet. 3 (Manius Otacilius Pitholaus on the Social War) with Kaster‟s
(n. 14) comm. ad loc.; Strab. 11.1.6 (Posidonius).
42
Cic. Arch. 24; Val. Max. 8.14.3; Theophanes: Vel. Pat. 2.18.1; Plut. Pomp. 42; cf. Strabo
11.5.1, 13.2.3.
19
„I have already given you a description of Pompey‟s first public speech – of no comfort to the
poor or interest to the rascals; on the other hand the rich were not pleased and the honest men
were not impressed. So – a frost. Then an irresponsible Tribune, Fufius, egged on by Consul
Piso, called Pompey out to address the Assembly. This took place in the Flaminian Circus, on
market day just where the holiday crowds was gathered. Fufius asked him whether he thought
it right for a jury to be selected by a Praetor to serve under the same Praetor‟s presidency, that
being the procedure determined by the Senate in the Clodius sacrilege case. (2) Pompey then
replied, very much en bon aristocrate, that in all matters he held and had always held the
Senate‟s authority in the highest respect – at considerable length too.‟
43
After 6 years away from the political game at Rome, Pompey may have been somewhat out
of touch with the current issues, yet Cicero‟s judgement is damning and suggests that
Pompey‟s first performance suffered from a lack of political awareness and insight and
perhaps also from an eloquence gone rusty after years away from the political scene. Pompey
was still highly popular with the people, but his fellow senators were less ready to
acknowledge his successes and grant him inclusion in the influential senatorial circles. When
asked for an opinion on the technicalities of the trial against Clodius, Pompey‟s answer
signals a reluctance to speak on a controversial matter in which he would only risk alienating
potential political allies. Cicero‟s letter continues with a description of a subsequent meeting
in the senate, where Pompey is again asked about his views on the Clodius case and again
provides a vague answer, just to be surpassed by Crassus‟ articulate and well-received praise
of Cicero‟s consulship of 63 B.C.
44
Pompey‟s performances were, in Cicero‟s opinion,
43
Cic. Att. 1.14.1-2 (13 Febr. 61 B.C.). Transl. D.R. Shackleton Bailey, Cicero. Letters to
Atticus 1-4, (Cambridge (Mass.), 1999).
44
Cic. Att. 1.14.2-4.
20
unsuccessful in conveying a returning general in touch with urgent political matters and the
concerns of the interested parties. Cicero was, however, not an objective witness.
45
His
negative judgement is coloured by his disappointment in Pompey‟s performance: he had
wanted Pompey to take a clear stance on the issue of Clodius‟ trial and furthermore to take up
the role as conservative senator defending the interests of the res publica as had Cicero in 63
B.C. This disappointment had deeper roots. Cicero‟s long-standing admiration for Pompey
had taken a hit from Pompey‟s lack of appreciation of Cicero‟s actions in 63 B.C. in their
exchange of letters in 62 B.C. and from Pompey‟s political behaviour since his return from
the East.
46
This mixture of personal unease about Pompey‟s stance towards himself and a
more general anxiety about Pompey‟s willingness to work with people not considered boni
by Cicero makes Cicero a dangerous witness. However, Cicero cannot have distorted the
picture of Pompey in his first public performances altogether: the ambiguity in Pompey‟s
answers is in character with his tendency to hide his true intentions, and his lack of
commitment to either side of the question did nothing to further a decision. Cicero may have
been alone in this judgement. Indeed, Pompey‟s tactic of avoiding a firm stance on the issue
may have been the right stand to take in order not to offend anybody, except Cicero. That
Pompey spoke multis verbis yet still managed not to say much in favour of either side again
45
For a recent discussion of the subjectivity of Cicero‟s letters, see A. Lintott, Cicero as
Evidence. A Historian’s Companion (Oxford, 2008), 4-8.
46
Cic. Fam. 5.7. See T.N. Mitchell, Cicero. The Senior Statesman (New Haven & London,
1991), 74-7 for discussion and J. Hall, Politeness and Politics in Cicero’s Letters (Oxford,
2009), 48-9, 128 on the style and expectations of these letters.
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