But though, as appears from these quotations, u!mnoj.
1 It is not very easy to follow Augustine in his distinction between a
‘psalm' and a 'canticle.' Indeed he acknowledges himself that he has
not arrived at any clearness on this matter; thus see Enarr. in Ps. lxvii.
I; where, however, these words occur, 'in psalmo est sonoritas, in can-
tico laetitia': cf. in Ps. iv. I; and Hilary, Prol. in Lib. Psalm. §§ 19-21.
§ LXXVIII. SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 299
in the fourth century was a word freely adopted in the
Church, this was by no means the case at an earlier day.
Notwithstanding the authority which St. Paul's employ-
ment of it might seem to have lent it, u!mnoj nowhere
occurs in the writings of the Apostolic Fathers, nor in
those of Justin Martyr, nor in the Apostolic Constitutions;
and only once in Tertullian (ad Uxor. ii. 8). It is at least
a plausible explanation of this that u!mnoj was for the early
Christians so steeped in heathenism, so linked with pro-
fane associations, and desecrated by them, there were so
many hymns to Zeus, to Hermes, to Aphrodite, and to
the other deities of the heathen pantheon, that the early
Christians shrunk instinctively from the word.
If we ask ourselves of what character were the
‘hymns,’ which St. Paul desired that the faithful should
sing among themselves, we may confidently assume that
these observed the law to which other hymns were sub-
mitted, and were direct addresses of praise to God.
Inspired specimens of the u!mnoj we meet at Luke i. 46-55;
68-79; Acts iv. 24; such also probably was that which
Paul and Silas made to be heard from the depth of their
Philippian dungeon (u!mnoun to>n qeo, Acts xvi. 25). How
noble, how magnificent, uninspired hymns could prove we
have signal evidence in the Te Deum, in the Veni Creator
Spiritus, and in many a later possession for ever which
the Church has acquired. That the Church, brought
when St. Paul wrote into a new and marvellous world of
heavenly realities, would be rich in these we might be
sure, even if no evidence existed to this effect. Of such
evidence, however, there is abundance, more than one
fragment of a hymn being probably embedded in St.
Paul's own Epistles (Ephes. v. 14; I Tim. iii. 16; 2 Tim. ii.
1- 14; cf. Rambach, Anthologie, vol. i. p. 33; and Neale,
Essays on Liturgiology, pp. 413, 424). And as it was
quite impossible that the Christian Church, mightily
releasing itself, though with no revolutionary violence,
300 SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. § LXXVIII.
from the Jewish synagogue, should fall into that mistake
into which some of the Reformed Churches afterwards
fell, we may be sure that it adopted into liturgic use, not
‘psalms’ only, but also ‘hymns,’ singing hymns to Christ
as to God (Pliny, Ep. x. 96); though this, as we may
conclude, more largely in Churches gathered out of the
heathen world than in those wherein a strong Jewish
element existed. On u!mnoj from an etymological point of
view Pott, Etymol. Forsch. vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 612, may be
consulted.
]Wdh< (=a]oidh<) is the only word of this group which
the Apocalypse knows (v. 9; xiv. 3; xv. 3). St. Paul, on
the two occasions when he employs it, adds pneumatikh< to
it; and this, no doubt, because &]dh< by itself might mean
any kind of song, as of battle, of harvest, or festal, or
hymeneal, while yalmo, from its Hebrew use, and u!mnoj
from its Greek, did not require any such qualifying adjec-
tive. This epithet thus applied to these ‘songs’ does not
affirm that they were divinely inspired, any more than the
a]nh>r pneumatiko is an inspired man (1 Cor. iii. I; Gal.
vi. I); but only that they were such as were composed by
spiritual men, and moved in the sphere of spiritual
things. How, it may be asked, are we to distinguish
these "spiritual songs" from the ‘psalms’ and ‘hymns’
with which they are associated by St. Paul? If the
‘psalms’ represent the heritage of sacred song which the
Christian Church derived from the Jewish, the ‘hymns’
and "spiritual songs" will between them cover what
further in the same kind it produced out of its bosom;
but with a difference. What the hymns were, we have
already seen; but Christian thought and feeling will soon
have expanded into a wider range of poetic utterances
than those in which there is a direct address to the Deity.
If we turn, for instance, to Herbert's Temple, or Vaughan's
Silex Scintillans, or Keble's Christian Year, in all of these
there are many poems, which, as certainly they are not
§ LXXIX. SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 301
‘psalms,’ so as little do they possess the characteristics of
‘hymns.’ "Spiritual songs" these might most fitly be
called; even as in almost all our collections of so called
'hymns' at the present day, there are of a few which by
much juster title would bear this name. Calvin, it will be
seen, only agrees in part with the distinctions which I have
here sought to trace: ‘Sub his tribus nominibus com-
plexus est [Paulus] omne genus canticorum; quae ita,
vulgo distinguuntur, ut psalmus sit in quo concinendo
adhibetur musicum aliquod instrumentu praeter linguam;
hymnus proprie sit laudis canticum, sive assa voce, sive
aliter canatur; oda non laudes tantum contineat, sed
paraeneses, et alia argumenta.' Compare in Vollbeding's
Thesaurus, vol. ii. p. 27, sqq.; a treatise by J. Z. Hillger,
De Psalmorum, Hymnorum, et Odarum discrimine; Palmer
in Herzog's Real-Encyclopadie, vol. p. 100, sqq.;
Deyling, Obss. Sac. vol. iii. p. 430; Lightfoot On Colos-
sians, iii. 16; and the art. Hymns in Dr. Smith's Dic-
tionary of Christian Antiquities.
§ lxxix. a]gra.
THESE words occur together Acts iv. 13 a]gra no-
where else in the N. T., but i]diw on for other occasions
(I Cor. xiv. 16, 23, 24; 2 Cor. xi. 6). Where found to-
gether we must conclude that, according to the natural
rhetoric of human speech, the second word is stronger
than, and adds something to, the first; thus our Trans-
lators have evidently understood them, tendering a]gr
matoj ‘unlearned,’ and i]diw ‘ignorant’; and so Bengel:
‘a]gra est rudis, i]diw rudior.'
When we seek more accurately to distinguish them,
and to detect the exact notion which each conveys, a]gra
matoj need not occupy us long. It corresponds exactly to
our ‘illiterate’ (gra memaqhkw, John vii. 15;
Acts xxvi. 24; 2 Tim. iii. 15); being joined by Plato with
302 SYONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. § LXXIX.
o@reioj, rugged as the mountaineer (Crit. 109 d), with
a@mousoj (Tim. 23 b); by Plutarch set over against the
(Adv. Col. 26).
But i]diw is a word of far wider range, of uses far
more complex and subtle. Its primary idea, the point
from which, so to speak, etymologically it starts, is that
of the private man, occupying himself with his own things
(ta> i@dia), as contrasted with the political; the man un-
clothed with office, as set over against and distinguished
from him who bears some office in the state. But lying
as it did very deep in the Greek mind, being one of the
strongest convictions there, that in public life the true
education of the man and the citizen consisted, it could
not fail that the word should presently be tinged with
something of contempt and scorn. The i]diw, staying
at home while others were facing honorable toil, oi]kouro,
as Plutarch calls him (Phil. cum Princip.), a 'house-dove,'
as our ancestors slightingly named him, unexercised in
business, unaccustomed to deal with his fellow-men, is un-
practical; and thus the word is joined with a]pra by
Plato (Rep x. 620 c; cf. Plutarch, De Virt. et Vit. 4), with
a@praktoj by Plutarch (Phil. cum Princ. I), who sets him
over against the politiko>j kai> praktiko. But more than
this, he is often boorish, and thus i]diw is linked with
a@groikoj (Chrysostom, in I Ep. Cor. Hom. 3), with a]pai<-
deutoj (Plutarch, Arist. et Men. Comp. 1), and other words
such as these.1
The history of i]diwby no means stops here, though
we have followed it as far as is absolutely necessary to
explain its association (Acts iv. 13) with a]gra, and
1 There is an excellent discussion on the successive meanings of i]diw
in Bishop Horsley's Tracts in Controversy with Dr. Priestley, Appendix,
Disquisition Second, pp. 475-485. Our English ‘idiot’ has also an in-
structive history. This quotation from Jeremy Taylor (Dissuasive from
Popery, part ii b. i. § I) will show how it was used two hundred years
ago: ‘S. Austin affirmed that the plain places of Scripture are sufficient
to all laics, an all idiots or private persons.’ See my Select Glossary
s. v. for other examples of the same use of the word.
§LXXIX. SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 303
the points of likeness and difference between them. But
to explain why St. Paul should employ it at I Cor. xiv.
16, 23, 24, and exactly in what sense, may be well to
pursue this history a little further. There is a singular
feature in the use of i]diwwhich, though not very easy
to describe, a few examples will at once make intelligible.
There lies continually in it a negation if that particular
skill, knowledge, profession, or standing, over against which
it is antithetically set, and not of any other except that
alone. For example, is the i]diw set over against the
dhmiourgo (as by Plato, Theag. 124 c), he is the unskilled
man as set over against the skilled artificer; any other
dexterity he may possess, but that of the dhmiourgo is
denied him. Is he set over against the i]atro, he is one
ignorant of the physician's art (Plato, Rep. iii. 389 b;
Philo, De Conf. Ling. 7); against the sofisth, he is one
unacquainted with the dialectic fence of the sophists
(Xenophon, De Venal. 13; cf. Hiero,; Lucian, Pisc.
34 ; Plutarch, Symp. iv. 2. 3); agains the filo.
(Sextus Empiricus, adv. Grammat. § 235), he has no interest
in the earnest studies which occupy the other; prose
writers are i]diw as contrasted with poets. Those un-
practised in gymnastic exercises are i]diw?tai as contrasted
with the a]qlhtai<, (Xenophon, Hiero, iv. 6 Philo, De Sept.
6); subjects as contrasted with their prince (De Abrah.
33); the underlings in the harvest-field are i]diw?tai kai>
u[phre as distinguished from the h[gemo (De Somn. ii.
4); the weak are i]diw?ta, a@poroi and a@docoi being qualita-
tive adjectives, as contrasted with the strong (Philo, De
Creat. Princ. 5; cf. Plutarch, De Imper. Apophth. I); and
lastly, the whole congregation of Israel are i]diw?tai as set
over against the priests (De Vit. Mos. iii. 29). With these
examples of the word's use to assist us, we can come to no
other conclusion than that the i]diw?tai of St. Paul (1 Cor.
xiv. 16, 23, 24) are the plain believers, with no special
spiritual gifts, as distinguished from such as were possessed
304 SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. § LXXX.
of such; even as elsewhere they are the lay members of
the Churca as contrasted with those who minister in the
Word and Sacraments; for it is ever the word with which
i]diw is at once combined and contrasted that determines
its meaning.
For the matter immediately before us it will be sufficient
to say that when the Pharisees recognized Peter and John
as men a]gra i]diw?tai, in the first word they ex-
pressed mere the absence in them of book-learning, and,
confining as they would have done this to the Old Testa-
ment, the i[era> gra, and to the glosses of their own
doctors upon these, their lack of acquaintance with such
lore as St. Paul had learned at the feet of Gamaliel; in
the second their want of that education which men insen-
sibly acquire by mingling with those who have important
affairs to transact, and by taking their own share in the
transaction of such. Setting aside that higher training of
the heart and the intellect which is obtained by direct
communion with God and his truth, no doubt books and
public life, literature and politics, are the two most effec-
tual organs of mental and moral training which the world
has at its command—the second, as needs hardly be said,
immeasurably more effectual than the first. He is a]gra
matoj who has not shared in the first, i]diw, who has had
no part in the second.
§ lxxx. doke.
OUR Translators have not always observed the distinction
which exists between dokei?n (=’videri’) and fai
(=’apparere’). Dokei?n expresses the subjective mental
estimate or opinion about a matter which men form, their
do concerning it, which may be right (Acts xv. 28;
I Cor. iv. 9; vii. 40: cf. Plato, Tim. 51 d, do),
but which also may be wrong; involving as it always must
the possibility of error (2 Mace. ix. 10; Matt. vi. 7; Mark
§ LXXX. SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 305
vi. 49; John xvi. 2; Acts xxvii. 13; c . Plato, Rep. 423 a;
Gorg. 458 a, doXenophon, Cyrop. i. 6. 22; Mem.
i. 7. 4, i]sxuro o@nta, dokei?n, to have a false reputation
for strength); fai on the contrary expresses how a
matter phenomenally shows and presents itself, with no
necessary assumption of any beholder at all; suggesting
an opposition, not to the o@n, but to the noou. Thus,
when Plato (Rep. 408 a) says of certain heroes in the Trojan
war, a]gaqoi> pro>j to>n po he does not mean
they seemed good for the war and were not, but they showed
good, with the tacit assumption that what they showed,
they also were. So too, when Xenophon writes e]fai
i@xnia i!ppwn (Anab. i. 6. I), he would imply that horses
had been actually there, and left their foot-prints on the
ground. Had he used dokei?n, he would have implied that
Cyrus and his company took for the tracks of horses what
indeed might have been such, but what also might not have
been such at all; cf. Mem. iii. 10. 2. Zeune: ‘dokei?n cernitur
in opinione, quae falsa esse potest et vana; sed fai
plerumque est in re extra mentem, quam is nemo opinatur.'
Thus dokei? fai(Plato, Phaedr. 269; Legg. xii. 960 d).
Even in passages where dokei?n may be exchanged with
ei#nai, it does not lose the proper meaning which Zeune
has ascribed to it here. There is ever a predominant
reference to the public opinion and estimate, rather than
to the actual being; however the former ay be the faithful
echo of the latter (Prov. 14). Thus, while there is
no touch of irony, no shadow of depreciation, in St. Paul's
use of oi[ doikou?ntej at Gal. ii. 2, of oi[ dokou?ntej ei#nai< ti
presently after (ver. 6)—exactly which same phrase occurs
in Plato, Euthyd. 303 d, where they are joined with semnoi<
—and while manifestly there could be no slight intended,
seeing that he so characterizes the chief of his fellow
Apostles, the words for all this express rather the reputa-
tion in which these were held in the Church than the
worth which in themselves they had, however that reputa-
306 SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. § LXXX.
tion of theirs was itself the true measure of this worth
(=e]piRom. xvi. 7). Compare Euripides, Troad. 608,
where ta> dokou?nta are set over against ta> mhde>n o@nta, Hec.
295, and Porphyry, De Abst. ii. 40, where oi[ dokou?ntej in
like manner is put absolutely, and set over against ta>
plh. In the same way the words of Christ, of oi[ dokou?ntej
a@rxein tw?n e]qnw?n (Mark x. 42) = ‘they who are acknowledged
rulers of the Gentiles,’ cast no doubt on the reality of the
rule of these, for see Matt. xx. 25; though indeed there may
be a slight hint, looking through the words, of the contrast
between the worldly shows and the heavenly realities of
greatness; but as little are they redundant (cf. Josephus,
Antt. xix. 6. 3; Susan. 5: and Winer, Gramm. § lxvii. 4).
But as on one side the mental conception may have,
but also may not have, a corresponding truth in the world
of realities, so on the other the appearance may have a
reality beneath it, and fai is often synonymous with
ei#nai and gi, (Matt. ii. 7; xiii. 26); but it may also
have none; faino for instance are set off against ta>
o@nta t^? a]lhqei<%, by Plato (Rep. 596 e); being the reflections
of things, as seen in a mirror: or shows, it may be, which
have no substance behind them, as the shows of goodness
which the hypocrite makes (Matt. xxiii. 28). It must not
be assumed that in this latter case fai runs into the
meaning of dokei?n, and that the distinction is broken down
between them. That distinction still subsists in the
objective character of the one, and the subjective character
of the other. Thus, at Matt. xxiii. 27, 28, the contrast is
not between what other men took the Pharisees to be, and
what they really were, but between what they showed
themselves to other men (fai
),
and what in very truth they were.
Dokei?n signifying ever, as we have seen, that subjective
estimate which may be formed of a thing, not the objective
show and seeming which it actually possesses, it will
follow that our rendering of Jam. i. 26 is not perfectly
satisfactory: "If any man among you seem to be religious
§ LXXX. SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 307
(dokei? qrh?skoj ei#nai), and bridleth not his tongue, but
deceiveth his own heart, this man's religion is vain." This
verse, as it here stands, must before now have perplexed
many. How, they will have asked, can man "seem to
be religious," that is, present himself to others as such,
when his religious pretensions are belied and refuted by
the license of an unbridled tongue? But render the words,
"If any man among you thinketh himself religious" (cf.
Gal. vi. 3, where dokei? is rightly so translated; as it is
in the Vulgate here, "se putat religiosmum esse"), "and
bridleth not his tongue, &c.," and all will then be plain.
It is the man's own mental estimate of his spiritual
condition which dokei? expresses, an estimate which the
following words declare to be altogether erroneous. Com-
pare Heb. iv. I, where for dok^? the Vulgate has rightly ‘exis-
timetur.’ If the Vulgate in dealing with dokei?n here is right,
while our Translators are wrong, elsewhere in dealing with
fai, it is wrong, while these are right. At Matt. vi.
18 ("that thou appear not unto men to fast"), it has
'ne videaris,' although at ver. 16 it had rightly ‘ut ap-
pareant’; but the disciples in this verse are warned, not
against the hypocrisy of wishing to be supposed to fast
when they did not, as this ‘ne videaris’ might imply, but
against the ostentation of wishing to be known to fast when
they did; as lies plainly in the o!pwj mh> fan^?j of the
original.
The force of faine, attained here, is missed in
another passage of our Version; although not through
any confusion between it and dokei?n, but rather between it
and fai. We render e]n oi$j fai
ko (Phil. ii. i5), "among whom ye shine as lights in
the world;" where, instead of ‘ye shine,’ it should stand,
‘ye are seen,’ or ‘ye appear.’ To justify "ye shine" in
this place, which is common to all the Versions of the
English Hexapla, St. Paul should have written fai
(cf. John i. 5; 2 Pet. i. 19; Rev. i. 16), an not, as he has
308 SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. § LXXXI.
written, fai. It is worthy of note that, while the
Vulgate, having ‘lucetis,’ shares and anticipates our
error, an earlier Latin Version was free from it; as is
evident from the form in which the verse is quoted by
Augustine (Enarr. in Ps. cxlvi. 4): ‘In quibus apparetis
tanquam luminaria, in caelo.’
§ lxxxi. zw?on, qhri.
IN passages out of number one of these words might be
employed quite as fitly as the other, even as there are
many in which they are used interchangeably, as by
Plutarch, De Cap. ex Inim. Util. 2. This does not how-
ever prove that there is no distinction between them, if
other passages occur, however few, where one is fit and
the other not; or where, though neither would be unfit,
one would possess a greater fitness than the other. The
distinction, latent in other cases, because there is nothing
to evoke it, reveals itself in these.
The difference between zw?on (by Lachmann always more
correctly written z&?on) and qhriis not that between two
coordinate terms; but one, the second is wholly subor-
dinate to the first, is a less included in a greater. All
creatures that live on earth, including man himself, logi-
ko>n kai> politiko, as Plutarch (De Am. Prol. 3) so
grandly describes him, are (Aristotle, Hist. Anim. i.
5. 1); nay, God Himself, according to the Definitions of
Plato, is zw?on a]qa, being indeed the only One to whom
life by absolute right belongs (fame>n de> to>n qeo>n ei#nai zw?on
a]i~dion a@riston, Aristotle, Metaph. xii. 7). It is true that
zw?on is nowhere employed in the N. T. to designate man
(but see Plato, Pol. 271 e; Xenophon, Cyrop. i. 1. 3;
Wisd. xix. 20); still less to designate God; for whom, as
not merely living, but as being absolute Life, the one
fountain of life, the au]to, the phgh> zwh?j the fitter as
the more reverent zwh<; is retained (John i. 4; 1 John i. 2).
§LXXXI. SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 309
In its ordinary use zw?on covers the same extent of meaning
as ‘animal’ with us, having generally, though by no means
universally (Plutarch, De Garr. 22; Heb. xiii . 11), a@lgon
or some such epithet attached (2 Pet. ii. 12; Jude 10).
qhri looks like a diminutive of qh, which in its
AEolic form fh reappears as the Latin ‘fera,’ and in its
more usual shape in the German ‘Thier’ and in our own
‘deer.’ Like xrusi, and so
many other words (see Fischer, Prol. de Vit. Lex. N. T.
p. 256), it has quite left behind the force of a diminutive,
if it ever possessed it. That it was already without this
at the time when the Odyssey was composed is sufficiently
attested by the me which there occurs (10. 181);
compare Xenophon, Cyrop. i. 4. 1. It would be a mis-
take to regard qhri as exclusively mischievous and raven-
ing beasts, for see Heb. xii. 20; Exod. xix. 13; however
such by this word are generally intended (Mark i. 13;
Acts xxviii. 4, 5); qhri at Acts xi. 6 being distinguished
from tetra
: while yet Schmidt says rightly: ‘In
qhri liegt eine sehr starke Nebenbeziehung auf Wildheit
und Grausamkeit.’ It is worthy of notice that, numerous
as are the passages of the Septuagint where beasts of
sacrifice are mentioned, it is never under this name. The
reason is evident, namely, that the brutal, bestial element
is in qhri brought prominently forward, not that wherein
the inferior animals are akin to man, not that therefore
which gives them a fitness to be offered as substitutes for
man, and as his representatives. Here, too, we have an
explanation of the frequent transfer of qhriand qhriw,
as in Latin of ‘bestia’ and ‘bellua,’ to fierce and brutal
men (Tit. i. 12; I Cor. xv. 32; Josephus, Antt. xvii. 5. 5;
Arrian, in Epict. ii. 9).
All this makes us the more regret, and the regret has
been often expressed—it was so by Broughton almost as
soon as our Version was published—that in the Apocalypse
our Translators should have rendered qhri and zw?on by
310 SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. § LXXXII.
the same word, "beast"; and should thus for the English
reader have obliterated the distinction between them.
Both play important parts in this book; both belong to its
higher symbolism; while at the same time they move in
spheres as far removed from one another as heaven is
from hell. The zw?a or "living creatures," which stand
before the throne, and in which dwells the fulness of all
creaturely life, as it gives praise and glory to God (iv.
6-9; v. 6; vi. I; and often), constitute a part of the
heavenly symbolism; the qhri, the first beast and the
second, which rise up, one from the bottomless pit (xi. 7),
the other from the sea (xiii. I), of whom the one makes
war upon the two Witnesses, the other opens his mouth
in blasphemies, these form part of the hellish symbolism.
To confound these and those under a common designation,
to call those ‘beasts’ and these ‘beasts,’ would be an over-
sight, even granting the name to be suitable to both; it is
a more serious one, when the word used, bringing out, as
does qhri, the predominance of the lower animal life, is
applied to glorious creatures in the very court and presence
of Heaven. The error is common to all the English trans-
lations. That the Rheims should not have escaped it is
strange; for he Vulgate renders zw?a by ‘animalia’ (‘ani-
mantia’ would have been still better), and only qhri by
‘bestia.’ If zw?a had always been rendered "living crea-
tures," this should have had the additional advantage of
setting these symbols of the Apocalypse, even for the
English reader, in an unmistakeable connexion with Ezek.
i. 5, 13, 14, and often; where "living creature" is the
rendering in our English Version of hyA.ta, as zw?on is in the
Septuagint.
§ lxxxii. u[pe
IT has been often claimed, and in the interests of an
all-important truth, namely the vicarious character of the
sacrifice of the death of Christ, that in such passages as
§ LXXXII. SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 311.
Heb. ii. 9; Tit. ii. 14; I Tim. ii. 6; Gal. iii. 13; Luke
xxii. 19, 20; I Pet. ii. 21; iii. 18; iv. I; Rom. v. 8; John
x. 15, in all of which Christ is said to have died u[pe>r
par h[mw?n, u[pe>r tw?n proba and the like, u[pe
shall be accepted as equipollent with an]ti<. And then, it
is further urged that, as a]nti< is the preposition first of
equivalence (Homer, Il. ix. 116, 117) and then of ex-
change (1 Cor. xi. 15; Heb. xii. 2, 16; Matt. v. 38), u[pe
must in all those passages be regarded as having the same
force. Each of these, it is evident, would thus become a
dictum probans for a truth, in itself most vital, namely
that Christ suffered, not merely on our behalf and for our
good, but also in our stead, and bearing that penalty of
our sins which we otherwise must ourselves have borne.
Now, though some have denied, we must yet accept as
certain that u[pe has sometimes this meaning. Thus in
the Gorgias of Plato, 515 e]gw> u[pe>r sou? a]pokrinou?mai, ‘I
will answer in your stead;’ compare Xenophon, Anab. vii.
4. 9: ae]qer tou‘Wouldst thou die
instead of this lad?’ as the context an the words ei]
pain a]nti> e]kei make abundantly manifest;
Thucydides, i. 141; Euripides, Alcestis, 712; Polybius,
67. 7; Philem. 13; and perhaps 1 Cor. x . 29; but it is
not less certain that in passages far more numerous u[pe
means no more than, on behalf of, for the good of; thus
Matt. v. 44; John xiii. 37; I Tim. ii. I, and continually.
It must be admitted to follow from this, that had we
in the Scripture only statements to the effect that Christ
died u[pe>r h[mw?n, that He tasted death u[pe>r panto, it
would be impossible to draw from these any irrefragable
proof that his death was vicarious, He dying in our stead,
and Himself bearing on his Cross our sins and the penalty
of our sins; however we might find it, as no doubt we do,
elsewhere (Isai. liii. 4-6). It is only as having other
declarations, to the effect that Christ died a]nti> pollw?n
(Matt. xx. 28), gave Himself as an a]nti (I Tim. ii.
312 SYNOYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. § LXXXII.
6), and brining those other to the interpretation of these,
that we obtain a perfect right to claim such declarations
of Christ's death for us as also declarations of his death in
our stead. And in them beyond doubt the preposition
u[pe is the rather employed, that it may embrace both
these meanings and express how Christ died at once for
our sakes (here it touches more nearly on the meaning of
peri<, Matt. xvi. 28; Mark xiv. 24; I Pet. iii. 18; dia<
also once occurring in this connexion, i Cor. viii. 11),
and in our stead; while a]nti<, would only have expressed
the last of these.
Tischendorf, in his little treatise, Doctrina Pauli de Vi
Mortis Christi Satisfactoria, has some excellent remarks
on this matter, which I will quote, though what has been
just said has anticipated them in part: ‘Fuerunt, qui ex
soli natura et usu prapositionis u[pe demonstrare cona-
rentur, Paulum docuisse satisfactionem Christi vicariam;
alii rursus negarunt praepositionem u[pe a N. Test. au-
ctoribus recte positam esse pro an]ti<, inde probaturi con-
trarium. Peccatum utrimque est. Sola praepositio utram-
que pariter adjuvat sententiarum partem; pariter, inquam,
utramque. Namque in promptu sunt, contra perplurium
opinionem, desumta ex multis veterum Graecorum scripto-
ribus loca, quae praepositioni u[pe significatum, loco, vice,
alicujus plane vindicant, atque ipsum Paulum eodem signi-
ficatu eam usurpasse, et quidem in locis, quae ad nostram
rem non pertinent, nemini potest esse dubium (cf. Philem.
13; 2 Cor. v. 20; 1 Cor. xv. 29). Si autem quaeritur, cur
hac potissimum praepositione incerti et fluctuantis signifi-
catus in re tam gravi usus sit Apostolus—inest in ipsa prae-
positione quo sit aptior reliquis ad describendam Christi
mortem pro nobis oppetitam. Etenim in hoc versari rei
summam, quod Christus mortuus sit in commodum homi-
num, nemo negat; atque id quidem factum est ita, ut
moreretur hominum loco. Pro conjuncts significatione et
commodi et vicarii praeclare ab Apostolo adhibita est prae-
§ LXXXIII. SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 313
positio u[pe. Itaque rectissime, ut solet, contendit Winerus
noster, non licere nobis in gravibus locis, ubi de morte
Christi agatur, praeepositionem u[pe simpliciter=a]nti<
sumere. Est enim plane Latinorum pro nostrum fur.
Quotiescunque Paulus Christum pro nobis mortuum esse
docet, ab ipsa notione vicarii non disjunctam esse voluit
notionem commodi, neque umquam ab hac, quamvis per-
quam aperta, sit, exclucli illam in ista formula, jure meo
dico.’
lxxxiii. foneu.
OUR Translators have rendered all these words by ‘mur-
derer,’ which, apt enough in the case of the first (Matt.
xxii. 7; I Pet. iv. 15; Rev. xxi. 8), is at the same time so
general that in the other two instances it keeps out of
sight characteristic features which the words would bring
forward.
]Anqrwpokto, exactly corresponding to our ‘man-
slayer,’ or ‘homicide,’ occurs in the N. T. only in the
writings of St. John (viii. 44; 1 Ep. iii. 15, bis); being
found also in Euripides (Iphig. in Taur. 390). On our
Lord's lips, at the first of these places, a]nqrwpokto
has its special fitness; no other word would have suited
at all so well; an allusion being here to that great, and in
part only too successful, assault on the life natural and
the life spiritual of all mankind which Satan made, when,
planting sin, and through sin death, in them who were
ordained the authors of being to the whole race of
mankind, he infected the stream of human existence at its
fountain-head. Satan was thus o[ a]nqrwpokto indeed
(brotokto, in the Greek triodion); for he would fain
have slain not this man or that, but the whole race of
mankind.
Sika, which only occurs once in the N. T., and then,
noticeably enough, on the lips of a Roman officer (Acts
xxi. 38), is one of many Latin words which had followed
314 SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. § LXXXIII.
the Roman domination even into those Eastern provinces
of the empire, which, unlike those of the West, had refused
to be latinize but still retained their own language.
The ‘sicarius,’ having his name from the ‘sica,’ a short
sword, poniard, or stiletto, which he wore and was prompt
to use, was the hired bravo or swordsman, troops of whom
in the long agony of the Republic the Antonies and the
Clodiuses kept in their pay, and oftentimes about their
person, to inspire a wholesome fear, and if needful to
remove out of the way such as were obnoxious to them.
The word had and its way into Palestine, and into the
Greek which was spoken there: Josephus in two instruc-
tive passages (B. J. ii. 13. 3; Antt. xx. 8. 6) giving us full
details about those to whom this name was transferred.
They were 'assassins,’ which word would be to my mind
the best rendering at Acts xxi. 38, of whom a rank growth
sprang up in those latter days of the Jewish Common-
wealth, when, in ominous token of the approaching doom,
all ties of society were fast being dissolved. Concealing
under their garments that short sword of theirs, and
mingling with the multitude at the great feasts, they
stabbed in the crowd whom of their enemies they would,
and then, taking part with the bystanders in exclama-
tions of horror effectually averted suspicion from them-
selves.
It will appear from what has been said that foneu may
be any murderer, the genus of which sika is a species,