CHApTer 6
The Need to Justify Our Actions
21
strategy. While serving in the Pennsylvania state legislature, Franklin was disturbed
by the political opposition and animosity of a fellow legislator. So he set out to win
him over. He didn’t do it by “paying any servile respect to him,” Franklin wrote, but
rather by inducing his opponent to do him a favor—namely, lending him a rare book
he was eager to read. Franklin returned the book promptly with a warm thank-you
letter. “When we next met in the House,” Franklin said, “he spoke to me (which he
had never done before), and with great civility; and he ever after manifested a readi-
ness to serve me on all occasions, so that we became great friends and our friendship
continued to his death. This is another instance of the truth of an old maxim I had
learned, which says, ‘He that has once done you a kindness will be more ready to do
you another than he whom you yourself have obliged’” (Franklin, 1868/1900, pp.
216–217).
Benjamin Franklin was clearly pleased with the success of his blatantly manipu-
lative strategy. But as scientists, we should not be convinced by his anecdote. We
have no way to know whether Franklin’s success was due to this particular gambit
or to his all-around charm. That is why it is important to design and conduct an
experiment that controls for such things as charm. Such an experiment was finally
done—240 years later (Jecker & Landy, 1969). Students participated in an intel-
lectual contest that enabled them to win a substantial sum of money. Afterwards,
the experimenter approached one-third of them, explaining that he was using his
own funds for the experiment and was running short, which meant he might be
forced to close down the experiment prematurely. He asked, “As a special favor to
me, would you mind returning the money you won?” The same request was made
to a different group of subjects, not by the experimenter but by the departmental
secretary, who asked them if they would return the money as a special favor to the
(impersonal) psychology department’s research fund, which was running low. The
remaining participants were not asked to return their winnings at all. Finally, all of
the participants were asked to fill out a questionnaire that included an opportunity
to rate the experimenter. Participants who had been cajoled into doing a special
favor for him found him the most attractive; they convinced
themselves that he was a wonderful, deserving fellow. The
others thought he was a pretty nice guy but not anywhere
near as wonderful as did the people who had been asked to
do him a favor (see Figure 6.7).
Think back to the experiment in which white students de-
veloped more favorable attitudes toward African Americans
after having said publicly that they favored preferential treat-
ment for black students. Can you see how the “Ben Franklin
effect” might apply here, how this act of helping might have
contributed to their change in attitudes?
Suppose you find yourself in a situation where you have
an opportunity to lend a helping hand to an acquaintance, but
because you are in a hurry or because it is inconvenient, you
decline to help. How do you think this act of omission might
affect your feelings for this person? As you might expect, in
an experiment that investigated this precise situation, people
justified their unwillingness to help by lowering their opinion
of the acquaintance’s qualities (Williamson et al., 1996). Not helping was simply an
act of omission. But what if you harmed another person; what then might happen to
your feelings?
Dehumanizing the enemy: Justifying Cruelty
A sad, though universal,
phenomenon is that all cultures are inclined to dehumanize their enemies by
calling them cruel names and regarding them as “vermin,” “animals,” “brutes,” and
other nonhuman creatures. During World War II, Americans called the Germans
and Japanese “krauts” and “Japs,” respectively, and portrayed them in propaganda
Without realizing it, Ben Franklin
may have been the first dissonance
theorist.
No
favor
8
Rating
of
experimenter
(higher scores means
experimenter better liked)
Favor for
psychology
department
Favor for
experimenter
The recipient of the favor
6
4
2
1
3
5
7
0
Favor for
Favor for
No
Figure 6.7
The
Justification of Kindness
If we have done someone a per-
sonal favor (blue bar), we are likely
to feel more positively toward that
person than if we don’t do the
favor (orange bar) or do the favor
because of an impersonal request
(yellow bar).
(Adapted from Jecker & Landy, 1969.)
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22
CHApTer 6
The Need to Justify Our Actions
posters as monsters; the Nazis portrayed the Jews as rats;
during the Vietnam War, American soldiers referred to the
Vietnamese as “gooks”; after the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan
began, some Americans began referring to the enemy as
“ragheads” because of the turbans or other headdresses that
many Arabs and Muslims wear. The use of such language is a
way of reducing dissonance: “I am a good person, but we are
fighting and killing these other people; therefore, they must
deserve whatever they get, because they aren’t fully human
like us.”
Of course, many people have always held negative and prej-
udiced attitudes toward certain groups, and calling them names
might make it easier for them to treat them brutally. To be cer-
tain that self-justification can follow acts of cruelty rather than
only cause them, it is essential for the social psychologist to
temporarily step back from the helter-skelter of the real world
and test the proposition in the more controlled setting of the
experimental laboratory.
A soldier who kills or injures fully armed enemy troops
in the heat of battle is unlikely to experience much dissonance. When engaged in
combat with an enemy soldier, it is a “you or me” situation; if the soldier had not
killed the enemy, the enemy might have killed him. So even though wounding or
killing another person is rarely taken lightly, it is not nearly so heavy a burden, and
the dissonance not nearly as great, as it would be if the victim were an unarmed
civilian, a child, or an old person.
These speculations are supported by the results of an experiment in which
volunteers had to administer a supposedly painful electric shock to a fellow student
( Berscheid, Boye, & Walster, 1968). As one might expect, these students disparaged
their victim as a result of having administered the shock. But half of the students
were told that there would be a turnabout: the other student would be given the
opportunity to retaliate against them at a later time. Those who
were led to believe that their victim would be able to retaliate later
did not derogate the victim. Because the victim was going to be
able to even the score, there was little dissonance, and therefore
the harm-doers had no need to belittle their victim in order to
convince themselves that he or she deserved it. The results of these laboratory
experiments suggest that, during a war, military personnel are more likely to demean
civilian victims (because these individuals can’t retaliate) than military victims.
Ideally, if we want to measure attitude change as a result of dissonant cognitions,
we should know what the attitudes were before the dissonance-arousing behavior oc-
curred. Two experimenters came up with a way to do this. They asked students, one at a
time, to watch a young man (a confederate of the experimenters) being interviewed and
then, on the basis of this observation, provide him with an analysis of his shortcomings
as a human being (Davis & Jones, 1960). After saying things they knew were certain to
hurt him—telling him they thought he was shallow, untrustworthy, and boring—they
convinced themselves that he deserved to be insulted this way; why, he really was shal-
low and boring. Their opinion of him had become much more negative than it was
prior to saying the hurtful things to him.
A more dramatic experiment on the justification-of-cruelty effect was done to
examine the relationship between torture and blame. Suppose you read that a suspect
in a particularly terrible crime has been tortured in an attempt to get him to reveal
information. He insists he is innocent, but his interrogators simply increase the pain
they are inflicting on him. Do you sympathize with the interrogator and blame the
suspect for not confessing, or do you sympathize with the suffering suspect? Disso-
nance theory predicts that people who are closest to the situation—for example, being
a prison staffer having to observe the torture—would reduce dissonance by seeing
There’s nothing people can’t contrive to praise or con-
demn and find justification for doing so.
—M
oLiére
,
T
he
M
isanThrope
The American guards at Iraq’s
Abu Ghraib prison treated their
prisoners with a casual brutality
that scandalized the world. What
does dissonance theory predict
about the consequences for the
guards of dehumanizing the
enemy?
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