the law. Persecution defeated its own purpose. Far from breaking the workers’
party or
even bending it, it attracted ever new recruits, and strengthened the organisation. In their
struggle against the authorities and the individual bourgeois, the workers manifested an
intellectual and moral superiority. Particularly in their conflicts with the employers of
labour did they show that they, the workers, were now the educated class, while the
capitalists were dupes.
In their fights, a sense of humour prevailed, showing how sure they
were of their cause, and how superior they felt. A struggle thus conducted on historically
prepared soil must yield great results. The success of the January (1874) elections stood
out, unique in the history of the modern labour movement, and the astonishment aroused
by them throughout Europe was perfectly deserved.
The German workers have two important advantages compared with the rest of Europe.
First, they belong to the most theoretical people of Europe; second, they have retained that
sense of theory which the so-called “educated” people of Germany have totally lost.
Without German philosophy,
particularly that of Hegel, German scientific Socialism (the
only scientific Socialism extant) would never have come into existence. Without a sense
for theory, scientific Socialism would have never become blood and tissue of the workers.
What an enormous advantage this is, may be seen on the one hand from the indifference of
the English labour movement towards all theory, which is one of the reasons why it moves
so slowly in spite of the splendid organisation of the individual unions; on the other hand,
from the mischief and confusion created by Proudhonism in its original form among the
Frenchmen and Belgians, and in its caricature form,
as presented by Bakunin, among the
Spaniards and Italians.
The second advantage is that, chronologically speaking, the Germans were the last to
appear in the labour movement. In the same manner as German theoretical Socialism will
never forget that it rests on the shoulders of Saint Simon, Fourier and Owen, the three who,
in spite of their fantastic notions and Utopianism, belonged to the most significant heads of
all time and whose genius anticipated numerous things the
correctness of which can now
be proved in a scientific way, so the practical German labour movement must never forget
that it has developed on the shoulders of the English and French movements, that it had
utilised their experience, acquired at a heavy price, and that for this reason it was in a
position to avoid their mistakes which in their time were unavoidable. Without the English
trade unions and the French political workers’ struggles preceding the German labour
movement, without the mighty impulse given by the Paris Commune, where would we
now be?
It must be said to the credit of the German workers that
they have utilised the
advantages of their situation with rare understanding. For the first time in the history of the
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labour movement the struggle is being so conducted that its three sides, the theoretical, the
political and the practical economical (opposition to the capitalists), form one harmonious
and well-planned entity. In this concentric attack, as it were, lies the strength and
invincibility of the German movement.
It is due to this advantageous situation on the one hand, to the insular peculiarities of
the British, and to the cruel suppression of the
French movements on the other, that for the
present moment the German workers form the vanguard of the proletarian struggle. How
long events will allow them to occupy this post of honour cannot be foreseen. But as long
as they are placed in it, let us hope that they will discharge their duties in the proper
manner. It is the specific duty of the leaders to gain an ever clearer understanding of the
theoretical problems, to free themselves more and more from the influence of traditional
phrases inherited from the old conception of the world, and constantly to keep in mind that
Socialism, having become a science, demands the same treatment as every other science –
it must be studied. The task of the leaders
will be to bring understanding, thus acquired and
clarified, to the working masses, to spread it with increased enthusiasm, to close the ranks
of the party organisations and of the labour unions with ever greater energy. The votes cast
in favour of the Socialists last January may represent considerable strength, but they still
are far from being the majority of the German working class; and encouraging as may be
the successes of the propaganda among the rural population, more
remains to be done in
this field. The slogan is not to flinch in the struggle. The task is to wrest from the enemy’s
hands one seat after the other, one electoral district after the other. In the first place,
however, it is necessary to retain a real international spirit which permits of no chauvinism,
which joyfully greets each new step of the proletarian movement, no matter in which
nation it is made. If the German workers proceed in this way, they may not march exactly
at the head of the movement – it is not in the interest of the movement that the workers of
one country should march at the head of all – but they will occupy an honourable place on
the battle line, and they will stand armed for battle when other
unexpected grave trials or
momentous events will demand heightened courage, heightened determination, and the will
to act.
FREDERICK ENGELS
London, July 1, 1874.
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