Plate 26.
A selection of contemporary cartoons about Bismarck.
SOCIETY AND POLITICS IN WILHELMINE GERMANY
Wilhelmine Germany was characterised by rapid industrialisation; by the steady
rise of the SPD, symbolising increasing social confrontation; and by unstable
parliamentary political alliances, with increasingly important pressure-group
politics. At the head of this configuration stood Emperor William II, a man of
little political aptitude, and numerous personality problems, surrounded and
influenced by a small entourage of advisers. Ultimately, Wilhelmine Germany
played a major role in unleashing the First World War and precipitating its own
downfall. The social tensions which had dogged it were not resolved in the
successor regime, the Weimar Republic, and in new forms played an important
role in the eventual rise of Hitler.
Throughout the years from 1871 to the outbreak of the First World War in
1914, Germany underwent a series of changes which radically transformed its
character. Demographically, there was a population increase of nearly three-
quarters: Germany’s population increased from 41 million in 1871 to 67.7
million in 1914, while in neighbouring France the population rose only from 36
million to 40 million. Equally striking was the rapid growth of towns and cities
in Imperial Germany, swollen by a mobile, young population leaving the land in
search of new opportunities in industrial centres. The metropolitan capital,
Berlin, expanded rapidly, with ornate, pompous bourgeois buildings
complemented by hastily thrown-up tenement blocks with dark courtyards which
provided the only play areas for gangs of poverty-stricken working-class
children. While some housing projects (for example, those sponsored by firms
such as Siemens) provided reasonable accommodation for workers, for many the
only housing was in slum conditions. Despite the rather lengthy period of
economic instability and frequent crises, which lifted only in the late 1890s,
Imperial Germany saw a comparatively rapid second wave of industrialisation.
Germany’s output of manufactured goods went up by a multiple of five at a time
when Britain’s output merely doubled. There was a shift from the older coal,
iron and heavy engineering industries to the newer chemical and electrical
concerns. Expanding use of electricity was particularly important in this period.
Germany’s growth contrasted with the longer, slower process of industrialisation
in Britain, where there was a multiplicity of small family firms competing with
one another, associated with a belief that the state should not intervene in a
supposedly free market. In Germany, there was considerable state intervention,
as well as an important role played by a small number of great investment banks,
such as the Deutsche and Dresdner Banks. In contrast to Britain, too, there was
increasing economic concentration and cartelisation. Cartels were organisations
of firms producing similar products which had a common interest in fixing
prices and determining conditions of production and marketing. Their number
increased rapidly, from eight in 1875 to around 3,000 by the 1920s.
The different economic histories of Britain and Germany were related to
different class structures. While in Britain there had been a long, slow
intermingling of landed and industrial interests, in Germany there had
historically been sharper status differences. In Germany, the old landowning
Junker class still dominated Prussian politics through the three-class voting
system (and there had been no redrawing of constituency boundaries to take
account of rapid urbanisation, thus greatly favouring sparsely-populated, Junker-
dominated country areas), and through Prussia Junkers dominated the Reich. Yet
with the emergence of industrial society, there was an increasing disparity
between the continued political power of the Junkers and their relatively
declining economic status. A balance had to be found between the interests of
agrarian elites and those of the various sections of industry (which themselves
had by no means identical interests, since some were more in favour of
protectionist policies than others). Moreover, the very rapid growth of a new
industrial working class in Germany – experiencing a certain culture shock in
transition from the countryside to factory life in the cities – fuelled the rapid
growth of trade unions and of the SPD. In its new Erfurt programme of 1891, the
SPD adopted a curious mixture of quite revolutionary principles (drafted by Karl
Kautsky) and moderate programme (drafted by the revisionist Eduard
Bernstein). From 1905 onwards, it became an increasingly bureaucratic party,
dogged by tensions and disputes on strategy, goals and tactics. It nevertheless
became, in 1912, the largest party in the Reichstag.
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