nationalist inclinations tended to celebrate German unification and recount tales
of high politics. More recently, increased attention has been devoted to social
and economic tensions. A major contribution was made in the deliberately
provocative work (first published in 1973) of Hans-Ulrich Wehler, who laid
particular emphasis on the ‘feudal-aristocratic-military’ elites’ control of Prussia
and hence Prussia-dominated Germany. Wehler stressed these elites’ techniques
of maintaining power in the face of rapid social change, ranging from simple
repression, through manipulation and the splitting of opposition, to
indoctrination and diversion into imperialist adventurism. The notion of
‘negative integration’ in the compromise between different elites and the
identification of subversive common enemies (particularly socialists and Jews)
gained ground among historians. More recently, some have begun to question
this essentially functionalist, top-down picture, arguing that it pays inadequate
attention to those below, who were supposedly so easily suppressed and
indoctrinated. More serious exploration is required to understand the varieties of
working-class culture – some deferential, some subversive, some oppositional,
some genuinely nationalist and patriotic – as well as to explain the divisions and
failures of nerve among German liberals. Moreover, it has been pointed out that
Wehler’s sort of approach tends to attribute to elites a unity of purpose, and a
clairvoyant consciousness of their best long-term interests irrespective of short-
term differences, that they probably never possessed. There was a lot of
chopping and changing of tactics, across different governments and coalitions,
and it is hard to argue for continuities from Miquel’s
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