Burgfrieden
). War was consciously viewed by
members of the German elites as an ‘escape forwards’, a ‘solution to the
problems of peace’, a means of deflecting attention from unresolved problems at
home. German soldiers marched off to war singing patriotic songs, in the happy
delusion that an early victory would allow them to be home for Christmas.
In the event, the First World War was not a brief, nineteenth-century style
war with a decisive battle, limited casualties, and an early end to hostilities. It
was a long-drawn-out, wearisome affair characterised by mud-bespattered and
shell-shocked soldiers spending days and weeks in the trenches, with advances
being measured less in miles than in yards. Numbers of casualties were high, to
very little effect, as in the 1916 battle of the Somme which, despite enormous
loss of life, effectively ended in stalemate. The German economy was not
equipped to sustain a lengthy conflict, and as food provisions and living
conditions worsened there was a progressive loss of morale on the home front.
From 1915, there were food riots, and major strikes from April 1917 (while in
Russia in 1917 there was a successful communist revolution). Splits developed
among German socialists, with the Independent Social Democratic Party
(USPD) breaking away from the SPD in 1917. With setbacks in the war in 1916,
and disputes over navy and submarine warfare, Tirpitz was forced to resign. In
April 1917, the USA entered the war, following German U-boat (submarine)
attacks on civilian vessels. In July 1917 the Bethmann Hollweg government was
replaced by an effective military dictatorship under Ludendorff and Hindenburg
(although there were two civilian chancellors in rapid succession). While the
mass of Germans were increasingly warweary, and while a pro-peace coalition
was emerging in the Reichstag (foreshadowing the later Weimar coalition), some
Germans harboured grandiose annexationist aims. In the summer of 1917 the
right-wing German Fatherland Party (
Deutsche Vaterlandspartei
) was founded,
supporting the army leadership. (One member of this ultra right-wing, nationalist
party was Anton Drexler, subsequently leader of the German Workers’ Party,
DAP, which was the forerunner of the Nazi NSDAP.) Nationalist circles
attempted to deflect criticism of the war into anti-semitic sentiments: it was
asserted that the war was lasting so long because the Jews had not yet made
enough profit from it. (Later, of course, Jews and Marxists were accused of a
‘stab in the back’, bringing down the German war effort from within while the
army was essentially undefeated abroad.) Despite the possibility of a moderate
peace at the turn of 1917–18, the Supreme Command of the Army and the
annexationists continued to pursue megalomaniac plans, in the belief that
domestic troubles could only be resolved, and socialism suppressed, by lucrative
conquests abroad. They were somewhat boosted by the dictated peace treaty of
Brest-Litovsk, imposed on post-revolutionary Russians, who were unable and
unwilling to fight on, in March 1918. But by the summer of 1918 it was clear
even to the most blinkered of German army leaders that the war was effectively
lost.
Attempts were made to pre-empt a feared revolution in Germany by a last
‘revolution from above’. The army leadership handed over to civilian command,
and plans were instituted for reforms of the political structure, in line with the
implications of US President Wilson’s ‘Fourteen Points’ and in the hope of a
more lenient peace treaty. Yet, as we shall see in the next chapter, within a
couple of months the revolution from below had erupted; and in November 1918
the German Empire collapsed and was replaced by Germany’s first
parliamentary republic.
Evaluations of Imperial Germany must remain ambivalent. While older
German nationalist historians celebrated Germany’s unification and historic hour
of imperial greatness, it is quite clear that the socioeconomic, political and
cultural configuration was riddled with strains and tension. In Prussia-dominated
small Germany, domestic politics lurched from one compromise to another, with
no long-term resolution of major issues such as the stable incorporation of the
working masses into the political system of a rapidly industrialising society still
dominated by pre-industrial elites. One need not subscribe to notions of a
‘belated nation’ or the ‘peculiarities of German history’ (the
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