16
Nikolaus P. Himmelmann
the one hand, as mentioned above, native speakers are among the main
players in determining the overall targets and outcomes of a documenta-
tion project. On the other hand, a documentation project involves a sig-
nificant number of activities which can be carried out with little or no
academic training. For example, the recording of communicative events
can be done by native speakers who know how to handle the recording
equipment (which can be learned in very short time), and it is often
preferable that they do such recordings on their own because they know
where and when particular events happen, and their presence is fre-
quently felt to be less obtrusive. Similarly, given some training and
regular supervision, the recording of metalinguistic knowledge and also
the transcription and translation of recordings can be carried out by na-
tive speakers all by themselves. See further Chapter 3.
3.3. Limitations
As with most other scientific enterprises, the language documentation for-
mat developed here is not without problems and limitations. Some of the
theoretical and practical problems have already been mentioned in the pre-
ceding discussion, and it will suffice here to emphasize the fact that the
documentation format in Table 1 is based on a number of hypotheses which
may well be proven wrong or unworkable in practical terms (see further
Section 4 below). In addition to theoretical and practical problems, there
are also ethical problems and limitations which are related to the fact that
even the most circumspectly planned documentation project has the poten-
tial to profoundly change the social structure of the society being docu-
mented. This may pertain to a number of different levels, only two of
which are mentioned here (see Wilkins 1992, 2000; Himmelmann 1998;
and Grinevald 2003: 60–62 for further discussion).
On a somewhat superficial level, there are usually a few, often not more
than one or two native speakers who are very actively involved in the pro-
ject work. Through their work in the project, their social and economic
status may change in a way that otherwise may have been impossible. This
in turn may lead to (usually minor) disturbances in the wider community,
such as inciting the envy or anger of relatives and neighbors. It is also not
unknown that affiliation with an externally funded and administered project
is used as an instrument in political controversies and competitions within
the speech community.
Chapter 1 – Language documentation: What is it and what is it good for?
17
On a more profound level, in non-literate societies the documentation of
historical, cultural, and religious knowledge generally introduces a new way
for accessing such knowledge and thereby may change the whole psycho-
social fabric of the society (Ong 1982). This is particularly true of societies
where much of the social fabric depends on highly selective access to cultural
and historical knowledge, transmission of such knowledge thus involving
different levels of secrecy (see Brandt [1980, 1981] for a pertinent example).
That is, in some instances a documentation project may contribute to the
demise of the very linguistic and cultural practices it proposes to document.
In these instances, it would appear to be preferable not to document, but
rather to support language maintenance in other ways, if necessary and pos-
sible.
Note that in general, language documentation and language maintenance
efforts are not opposed to each other but go hand in hand. That is, it is an
integral part of the documentation framework elaborated in this book that it
considers it an essential task of language documentation projects to support
language maintenance efforts wherever such support is needed and wel-
comed by the community being documented. More specifically, the docu-
mentation should contain primary data which can be used in the creation of
linguistic resources to support language maintenance, and the documenta-
tion team should plan to dedicate a part of its resources to “mobilizing” the
data compiled in the project for maintenance purposes. Chapter 15 elabo-
rates some of the issues involved here.
4. Alternative formats for language documentations
The format for language documentations sketched in the preceding section
is certainly not the only possible format. In fact, within structural linguistics
there is a well-established format for language documentations consisting
primarily of a grammar and a dictionary. In this section, I will first briefly
present some arguments as to why this well-established format is strictly
speaking a format for language description and not for language documen-
tation proper, and thus is not a viable alternative to the basic documentation
format of Table 1. In Section 4.2, we will then turn to the question of
whether it makes sense to integrate the grammar-dictionary format with the
basic documentation format of Table 1 and thus make fully worked-out
grammars and dictionaries essential components of language documenta-
tions.
18
Nikolaus P. Himmelmann
It should be clearly understood that this section is merely intended to draw
attention to this important topic at the core of documentation theory. It
barely scratches the surface of the many complex issues involved here. For
more discussion, see Labov (1975, 1996), Greenbaum (1984), Pawley
(1985, 1986, 1993), Lehmann (1989, 2001, 2004b), Mosel (1987, 2006),
Himmelmann (1996, 1998), Schütze (1996), Keller (2000), Ameka et al.
(2006), among others.
4.1. The grammar-dictionary format
The grammar-dictionary format of language description targets the language
system.
11
That is, it is based on the notion of a language as an abstract sys-
tem of rules and oppositions which underlies the observable linguistic be-
havior. In this view, documenting a language essentially involves compiling
a grammar (= set of rules for producing utterances) and a dictionary (= a
list of conventional form-meaning pairings used in producing these utter-
ances). To this core of the documentation, a number of texts are often
added, either in the form of a text collection or in the appendix to the gram-
mar, which have the function of extended examples for how the system
works in context. These texts are usually taken from the corpus of primary
data on which the system description is based, but they do not actually pro-
vide access to these primary data because they are edited in various ways.
Providing direct access to the complete corpus of primary data is typically
not part of this format.
The compilation of grammars and (to a lesser extent) dictionaries is a
well-established practice in structural linguistics, with many fine specimens
having been produced in the last century. But even the best structuralist
grammars and dictionaries have been lacking with regard to the goal of
presenting a lasting, multipurpose record of a language. Major problems
with regard to this goal include the following points:
a.
Many communicative practices found in a given speech community
remain undocumented and unreconstructable. That is, provided with a
grammar and a dictionary it is still impossible to know how the lan-
guage is (or was) actually spoken. For example, it is impossible to derive
from a grammar and a dictionary on how everyday conversational rou-
tines look like (how does one say “hello, good morning”?) or how one
linguistically interacts when building a house or negotiating a marriage.
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