H17N1Mengozzi Dehqan
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56 Dehqan and Mengozzi thanks to its glorious tradition of pastoral and missionary work, carried on throughout the East: in Mesopotamia, the Arabian pen- insula and Gulf region, Persia, Central Asia, India and China. Moreover, most of its learned congregations were and are bilingual. Especially during the Ottoman period, East Syrians developed their own Arabic Garshuni tradition, both in manuscripts and inscrip- tions, following the model of Garshuni proper, i.e. the Arabic – often Middle Arabic – that Maronites have written in West-Syriac script, since the 13th century in marginal archival annotations and since the 15th century in whole manuscripts. 7
East and beyond: U. Marazzi, “Sull’importanza dei testi osmanlï in carat- teri siriaci,” in Studia Turcologica memoriae Alexii Bombaci dicata, ed. A. Gallot- ta and U. Marazzi (Napoli: Istituto universitario orientale, 1982), 339-65; D. V. Proverbio, “Turco-Syriaca. Un caso estremo di sincretismo lingui- stico e religioso: i libri di Tommaso Ṣarrāf da Edessa (XVIII sec.) nella biblioteca portativa di Tommaso Caldeo da Alqôš,” Miscellanea Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae 11 (2004), 583-635; H. Younansardaroud, “Die tür- kischen Texte aus dem Buch ‘Manuel de Piété’ von Paul Bedjan (1893),” in Studia Semitica et Semitohamitica. Festschrift für Rainer Voigt anläßlich seines
ed. B. Burtes, J. Tropper and H. Younansardaroud (Münster: Ugarit, 2005), 489-525; P.G Borbone, “Syroturcica 1: The Önggüds and the Syri- ac Language,” in Malphono w-Rabo d-Malphone. Studies in Honor of Sebastian P. Brock, Gorgias Eastern Christian Studies 3, ed. G. A. Kiraz (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias, 2008), 1-18; Idem, “Syroturcica 2: The Priest Särgis in the White Pagoda,” Monumenta Serica. Journal of Oriental Studies 56 (2008), 487- 503; Idem, “Syroturcica 3: Hulegu’s rock-climbers. A short-lived Turkic word in 13th-14th century Syriac historical writing,” in Studies in Turkic
jing: Minzu Dashue Chubanshe, 2009), 285-94; M. Maggi and P. Orsatti, “Two Syro-Persian Hymns for Palm Sunday and Maundy Thursday,” in
Harrassowitz, 2011), 247-85; N. Sims-Williams, “Early New Persian in Syriac script: Two texts from Turfan,” Bulletin of SOAS 74:3 (2011), 353- 74; all including bibliography. 7 A. Mengozzi, “The History of Garshuni as a Writing System: Evi- dence from the Rabbula Codex,” in CAMSEMUD 2007. Proceedings of the 13th Italian Meeting of Afro-Asiatic Linguistics, held in Udine, May 21st-24th, 2007, ed. F. M. Fales and G. F. Grassi (Padova: S.A.R.G.O.N. Editrice e Libreria, 2010), 297-304; E. Braida, “Garshuni Manuscripts and Garshuni Notes in Syriac Manuscripts,” Parole de l’Orient 37 (2012), 181-98. Kessel has recently pointed out that a late 13th-century manuscript contains “one
A Kurdish Garshuni Poem 57
Even earlier, however, interesting literary specimens of the East-Syriac attitude towards multilingualism can be found in the “divān” attributed to the poet Khamis bar Qardaḥe, active in the last decades of the 13th century. In his Book hymns, songs and quatrains on religious and profane subjects are written in Classical Syriac, but most forms and motifs are of Persian origin. Among Khamis’ Syriac poems, two Garshuni-like compositions have been preserved: a probably later hymn On Divine Economy, in which Syriac verses alternate with their Azeri Turkish translation – called ‘Mon- golian’ in the rubrics – and three quatrains on love and wine that mix Syriac, Persian and a few Arabic words within the lines. 8 Espe-
cially in the latter composition, which may very well be by Khamis, the poet deliberately shows his mastery of more than one language for poetic purposes and explicitly pays homage to the dominant model of Persian poetry. This kind of multi- and cross-linguistic virtuosity appears to be characteristic of the Islamic culture of that time
9 and therefore one of the distinctive features of the so-called Syriac Renaissance (10th-13th centuries), namely the openness of Syrian intellectuals of the Mongolian period to Islamic, i.e. Arabo- Persian, influence. 10
of the earliest attestations of the Garšūnī system of writing being used for literary texts, and so far the earliest dated one. It is especially important as a witness to the use of Garšūnī in the Syrian Orthodox tradition, which is generally considered to be preceded by the Maronite one”: G. Kessel, “The importance of the manuscript tradition of the ‘Book of Grace’ for the study of Garšūnī,” Parole de l’Orient 37 (2012), 215. 8 A. Mengozzi, “Persische Lyrik in syrischem Gewand. Vierzeiler aus dem Buch des Khamis bar Qardaḥe (Ende 13. Jahrhundert),” in the pro- ceedings of the Syrologentag (Göttingen, 16.-17. Dezember, 2011), forth- coming. Anton Pritula (Hermitage Museum, St Petersburg) is preparing a critical edition of the bilingual hymn On Divine Economy. 9 Bausani describes this phenomenon with the fascinating metaphor of musical variations on a theme: the theme is the common Persian- Islamic culture and variation is given by the national languages, which are easily changed as if they were different styles of the same literature. A. Bausani, “Letteratura neopersiana,” in Storia della letteratura persiana, ed. A. Pagliaro and A. Bausani (Milano: Nuova Accademia, 1960), 167. 10 G. B. Teule, “The Syriac Renaissance,” in The Syriac Renaissance, Eastern Christian Studies 9, ed. G. B. Teule and C. Fotescu Tauwinkl (Leuven: Peeters, 2010), 23-8. Yüklə 309,94 Kb. Dostları ilə paylaş:
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