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the appearance of neoconomics as a revision of the whole history is precisely
known, namely, first of all, the economic (and no other) thought (conomic) that
became possible when trying to solve the concrete historical problem of the
relationship between developed and developing states. Given that the things that
neoconomics started (the NTP itself and the economic science existing within it)
are proclaimed as covered with cracks, what do we look at when we talk about
the scientific nature of neoconomics: on cracks? And on what cracks? If we are
talking about wholeness, then its property is the impossibility of a separate
existence of subsystems without integration into the overall system – just as
there is no nervous, circulatory or lymphatic system apart from the whole
organism (not speaking of what does not work). So, it is necessary that
neoconomics, like a sponge, devour the remnants of the disintegrating system of
scientific knowledge of the NTP era? But how? It should become an organizing
and reformatting beginning (as the primary source of inquiries to science), but the
question should be raised as to how to create a new system of science that goes
beyond the historical framework of the scientific nature of the era of scientific
and technological progress and the solution of the corresponding tasks,
neoconomics should master the existing resources of the disintegrating system of
scientific production. Is it possible and is neoconomy capable of attracting foreign
resources of this kind? It is clear that this should be done in the model of a
cooperative-open organized person, involving the most active, non-conforming
and purposeful carriers of the current systems of branch science in the processes
of a new, fascinating, scientific game. That is why the second problem concerns,
in fact, the interpretation of the organized man Weber. For him,
there are original
Protestant islands of organization in the sea of "naturalness", which at first
become more and cover the whole of society, becoming a dominant and
displacing naturalness in the marginalitet; and then, having massed themselves
over time, again "degrade" to the naturalness of status consumption in
conditions
of an excess of money supply. At the same time, the perniciousness of a natural
person still remains harmful, and in society a contradiction arises between a
natural status consumer and an organized producer-businessman, to whom such
"straight" people are "suddenly" profitable, and who, incidentally, himself has to
resort to a completely non-Protestant status business entourage.
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However, there is another picture in which a natural person balances an
organized one, rather than speaking about him as a "barbarian land" – this is a
picture of Nietzsche, his doctrine of the Dionysian and Apollonian principles
(Nietzsche himself is mentioned a couple of times by Grigoriev in the same 18
lectures 2 cycles about Max Weber and the spirit of capitalism, but both times
casually). And here, natural Dionysianism has a primacy over an ordered and
organized apolonia, it is they who measure and evaluate the apprehension. Just in
contrast to the directly opposite position of Weber, who, in the Nietzschean
interpretation, appolonism is embodied in the Protestant spirit of capitalism, and
Dionysianism is the image of anthropologically second-rate, subhuman,
"cabbage." Meanwhile, it is important that, although Nietzsche himself, like
Weber, is afraid and distrusts the Dionysian principle, he, nevertheless, has
precisely that origin, namely, the beginning of chthonic and feminine. But if so,
the actually Weberian concept of an organized person looks like a center on the
"order" of "chaos" (quite in the sense of Derrida's "phallocentrism").
But if so, then Protestantism is even more "repatriation" of the original
patriarchal Catholicism, which seems to be something more than just singling out
people of both sexes from the masses of greedy, natural and spontaneously
virtuous people; had a further historical effect on the imposition of men's
functions on women as a means of overcoming "primordial sinfulness", gender
equality, feminism and other social "surprises", sometimes accompanied by a
reaction of unrestrained debauchery and passion for perversions. And this
circumstance, apparently, is a response to the question posed by Grigoriev in the
17th lecture of the second cycle of the question of why, with such a thorough
clarification of the Protestant roots of capitalism, Weber made
such a strange and
discouraging conclusion from him: that under capitalism, "professionals still more
professional ": this conclusion of the German sociologist can be understood if we
equate professionalism with patriarchy. Here you can cite the example of the
Scientific Center "Neoconomics", how the service-related service of the
profession, at least in the USA, was a man's occupation up to the 1970s, and the
income growth of American households since this time is explained by the
beginning of work the female part of society – despite the fact that the average
earnings in the country as a whole fell.