428
their role in climate change-related emissions and carbon sequestration
(canadell and raupach 2008), the biodiversity they contain, and their con-
tribution to rural livelihoods in developing countries. a “favorite” policy rec-
ommendation for protecting forests and biodiversity is government-owned
protected areas (terborgh 1999). in an effort to examine whether govern-
ment ownership of protected areas is a necessary condition for improving
forest density, hayes (2006) used ifri data to compare the rating of forest
density (on a five-point scale) assigned to a forest by the forester or ecologist
who had supervised the forest mensuration of trees, shrubs, and ground-
cover in a random sample of forest plots.
9
of the 163 forests included in the
analysis, 76
were government-owned forests legally designated as
protected forests
and 87 were public, private, or communally owned forested lands used for
a diversity of purposes. no statistical difference existed between the forest
density in officially designated protected areas versus other forested areas.
Gibson, Williams, and ostrom (2005) examined the monitoring behav-
ior of 178 forest user groups and found a strong correlation between the
level of monitoring and a forester’s assessment of forest density even when
controlling for whether users were formally organized, whether the users
were heavily dependent on a forest, and the level of social capital within a
group.
chhatre and agrawal (2008) have now examined the changes in the
condition of 152 forests under diverse governance arrangements as affected
by the size of the forest, collective action around forests related to improve-
ment activities, size of the user group, and the dependence of local users on
a forest. they found that “forests with a higher probability of regeneration
are likely to be small to medium in size with low levels of subsistence depen-
dence, low commercial value, high levels of local enforcement, and strong
collective action for improving the quality of the forest” (ibid.: 1327). in a
second major analysis, chhatre and agrawal (2009) focus on factors that
affect tradeoffs and synergies between the level of carbon storage in forests
and their contributions to livelihoods. they find that larger forests are more
effective in enhancing both carbon and livelihoods outcomes, particularly
when local communities also have high levels of rule-making autonomy.
recent studies by coleman (2009) and coleman and steed (2009) also find
that a major variable affecting forest conditions is the investment by local us-
ers in monitoring. further, when local users are given harvesting rights, they
are more likely to monitor illegal uses themselves. other focused studies also
stress the relationship between local monitoring and better forest conditions
(Ghate and nagendra 2005; e. ostrom and nagendra 2006; Banana and
Gombya-ssembajjwe 2000; Webb and shivakoti 2008).
9 extensive forest mensuration is conducted at every ifri site at the same time that information is obtained
about forest users, their activities and organization, and about governance arrangements. comparing
forest measures across ecological zones is misleading since the average diameter at breast height in a forest
is strongly affected by precipitation, soils, elevation, and other factors that vary dramatically across
ecological zones. thus, we ask the forester or ecologist who has just supervised the collection of forest data
to rate the forest on a five-point scale from very sparse to very abundant.
429
the legal designation of a forest as a protected area is not by itself related to
forest density. detailed field studies of monitoring and enforcement as they
are conducted on the ground, however, illustrate the challenge of achieving
high levels of forest regrowth without active involvement of local forest users
(see Batistella, robeson, and Moran 2003; agrawal 2005; andersson, Gibson,
and lehoucq 2006; tucker 2008). our research shows that forests under
different property regimes – government, private, communal – some-
times meet enhanced social goals such as biodiversity protection, carbon
storage, or improved livelihoods. at other times, these property regimes fail to
provide such goals. indeed, when governments adopt top-down
decentralization policies leaving local officials and users in the dark, stable
forests may become subject to deforestation (Banana et al., 2007). thus, it is
not the general type of forest governance that is crucial in explaining forest
conditions; rather, it is how a particular governance arrangement fits the
local ecology, how specific rules are developed and adapted over time, and
whether users consider the system to be legitimate and equitable (for a more
detailed overview of the ifri research program, see Poteete, Janssen, and
ostrom 2010: chap. 5).
7. cUrrent theoretical develoPMents
Given the half century of our own extensive empirical research and that of
many distinguished scholars (e.g., Baland and Platteau 2005; Berkes 2007;
Berkes, colding, and folke 2003; clark 2006; Marshall 2008; schelling 1960,
1978, 1984), where are we now? What have we learned? We now know that
the earlier theories of rational, but helpless, individuals who are trapped in
social dilemmas are not supported by a large number of studies using diverse
methods (faysse 2005; Poteete, Janssen, and ostrom 2010). on the other
hand, we cannot be overly optimistic and presume that dilemmas will always
be solved by those involved. Many groups have struggled and failed (dietz,
ostrom, and stern 2003). further, simple policy prescriptions to turn over
resources to a government, to privatize, or more recently to decentralize,
may also fail (Berkes 2007; Brock and carpenter 2007; Meinzen-dick 2007).
We thus face the tough task of further developing our theories to help
understand and predict when those involved in a common-pool resource
dilemma will be able to self-organize and how various aspects of the broad
context they face affect their strategies, the short-term success of their
efforts, and the long-term robustness of their initial achievements. We need
to develop a better theoretical understanding of human behavior as well as of
the impact of the diverse contexts that humans face.
A. Developing a More General Theory of the Individual
as discussed earlier in section 3, efforts to explain phenomena in the social
world are organized at three levels of generality. frameworks such as the
iad that have been used to organize diverse efforts to study common-pool
resources are meta-theoretical devices that help provide a general language