INTRODUCTION: SECTION ONE
xxv
Brazil, finally converting them into his own understanding of the
pragmatic ideal. By deriving his own version of pragmatism from
Peirce, William James could at least justify his father’s theories
about spirituality. But these motives remained largely below the
threshold of consciousness for William and are the stuff only of a
later interpretation through the dual lenses of depth psychology
and history.
We may say here, however, that insofar as the comparison holds
true, William James derived his Swedenborgian interpretation of
pragmatism through Peirce, because psychologically he could not
derive it from his father directly. The breech between them was too
deep and William had come too far in his own psychic escape from
his father’s metaphysics to suddenly embrace them wholeheartedly
again. It was sufficient that he could still make contact with his
father’s ideas through Peirce’s interpretation.
James later expanded pragmatism to mean a method for validat-
ing truth claims as well as a means to reconcile conflicting truth
statements.
27
Not only are beliefs tested by their moral and aesthetic
outcome, but, James said, if two or more conflicting claims about
the nature of ultimate reality all lead to the same end, then for all
intents and purposes they may be declared equal, regardless of their
different origins and appearances. This is not to say they are the
same, however. In this way, the Swedenborgian Doctrine of Use
was filtered through Henry James, Sr.’s theories about the Divine
Natural Humanity, to influence William James’s later definition of
the pragmatic ideal.
As a general statement defending religious belief, James would
declare his position publicly in 1898, launching pragmatism as an
international movement, while giving Peirce full credit for the idea.
28
For his part, Peirce violently objected to James’s emphasis on acts,
when all Peirce had intended was to articulate a rule of logic. He
declared that James’s pragmatism had nothing to do with his own,
and that Peirce, henceforth, intended to change the name of his
philosophy from pragmatism to pragmaticism, “a name ugly enough
to be kept safe from kidnappers.”
27
James, W., Pragmatism. New York: Longmans, Green, 1907.
28
James, W., Philosophical conceptions and practical results. Address before the Berkeley
Philosophical Union, Berkeley, Ca.: The University Press, 1898.
xxvi
INTRODUCTION: SECTION ONE
And here we have the origin of the two pragmatisms — James’s,
which would influence functional psychology and the budding
twentieth century popular movement known as the Progressive Era
and concretize pragmatic philosophy as quintessentially American;
and Peirce’s, which would lead the logicians to the mathematical-
ization of thought, the theory of signs, simiotics, and the kind of
philosophy that today continues to dominate academic philosophy
departments particularly focused on the analytic philosophy of reduc-
tionistic science.
The period of the 1870s and 1880s was wild and tumultuous for
both James and Peirce, James’s career generally ascending to inter-
national acclaim; Peirce’s hitting a minor peak and then descend-
ing into almost complete, poverty stricken obscurity. James found a
vocation teaching philosophy and psychology; he got married and
started a family. He contracted to write a textbook in psychology
and he soon became famous for wrestling the concepts of psychology
from philosophy and bringing them into the domain of physiological
psychology.
Peirce, meanwhile, had separated from his wife, Melusina Harriet
Fay, after a short marriage and began travelling abroad, taking
pendulum measurements for the US Coastal Survey. By the mid
1880s, he had landed himself a job teaching logic at the newly
founded Johns Hopkins University. But he was not reappointed,
ostensibly because of the rumor that he was living with a woman
out of wedlock, Miss Juliet Froizey. Thereafter he came into a small
inheritance and moved with Juliet to a town in Pike County, in
the wilderness of central Pennsylvania, where he began to erect
Arisby. The large ostentatious house underwent construction until
the funds ran out. It had an unfinished ballroom on the entire third
floor, where Peirce would later hide from his creditors after pulling
up the rope ladder.
Peirce fell into even more dire straits after the stock market crash
of 1893. He and Juliet subsisted on what meager jobs he could
garner — book reviews, journal articles, and so on, while he made
continuous plans and solicited subscriptions for a formal multi-
volume set of works on logic, and other projects that never came to
fruition. Meanwhile, he kept up his correspondence with William
James. He proposed to the editor of Scribner’s Magazine at one
point that he do an exposition of Swedenborg’s ideas, and in spells
INTRODUCTION: SECTION ONE
xxvii
of depression, wrote to James that he thought of his father and of
Swedenborg’s ideas often. At one point, Peirce even composed a
series of cosmological essays for Paul Carus’s journal The Monist,
and in one of them, “Evolutionary Love,” he maintained that Henry
James Sr had everlastingly solved the problem of Evil (Swedenborg
had said in his Divine Love and Wisdom that the origin of Heaven
is God, while the original of Hell is man’s mis-use of the capacities
for rationality and freedom.)
29
Peirce, in other words, is the con-
duit through which William’s definition of the pragmatic ideal was
able to flourish. Both had mutual roots in the Swedenborgian and
transcendentalist milieu.
30
William James was sitting in Charcot’s lectures on somnambulism
and hysteria at the Salpetriere in Paris in 1882 when he received
the news that his father was dying. He never made it to the funeral,
but wrote a long epistolary letter to his memory. The great Emerson
died a few months later. That two giant oaks in William’s intel-
lectual firmament were felled in the same year was superceded only
by the grief the family experienced over the death of their mother.
Actually, she had died first. Henry James Sr. followed a few months
later by fasting to death, and Emerson went at the end of the year.
It took William two more years to emerge out of these events, which
he partly accomplished by publishing his first book, The Literary
Remains of the late Henry James.
31
It contained a 102-page tribute
to his father. “If only someone somewhere was able to take up his
system and apply it,” James concluded there wistfully. He was still
unsure that he was that person.
But no sooner had the two primary exponents of monistic idealism
in Christian theology and the American visionary tradition been
laid to rest when James found they had been replaced in his cosmo-
logical orbit by a new colleague at Harvard, Josiah Royce.
32
Royce
had been born in a native California cowboy town and was one
of the first students to graduate from the University of California at
29
Note 16 above.
30
Taylor, E. I., William James and C. S. Peirce, Chrysalis [ Journal of the Swedenborg
Foundation), 1:3, l986, 207–212.
31
James, W. (ed) The literary remains of the late Henry James. Cambridge, Mass.: Riverside
Press, 1884.
32
Clendenning, John, The life and thought of Josiah Royce. Madison, Wis.: University of
Wisconsin Press, 1985.
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