W w w. H a m I l t o n p r o j e c t. O r g acknowledgements



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10   Ten Economic Facts about Crime and Incarceration in the United States

Indeed, mass incarceration appears to be a relatively unique and recent 

American phenomenon.

A variety of factors can explain the discrepancy in incarceration rates. 

One important factor is higher crime rates, especially rates of violent 

crimes: the homicide rate in the United States is approximately four 

times the typical rate among the nations in figure 6 (United Nations 

Office on Drugs and Crime 2014). Additionally, drug control policies 

in the United States—which have largely not been replicated in other 

Western countries—have prominently contributed to the rising 

incarcerated population over the past several decades (Donahue, 

Ewing, and Peloquin 2011). Another important factor is sentencing 

policy; in particular, the United States imposes much longer prison 

sentences for drug-related offenses than do many economically 

similar nations. For example, the average expected time served for 

drug offenses is twenty-three months in the United States, in contrast 

to twelve months in England and Wales and seven months in France 

(Lynch and Pridemore 2011).

The U.S. incarceration rate is more than six 

times that of the typical OECD nation.



6.

The United States is an international outlier when it comes to 

incarceration rates. In 2012, the incarceration rate in the United 

States—which includes inmates in the custody of local jails, state 

or federal prisons, and privately operated facilities—was 710 per 

100,000 U.S. residents (Glaze and Herberman 2013). This puts the U.S. 

incarceration rate at more than five times the typical global rate of 130, 

and more than twice the incarceration rate of 90 percent of the world’s 

countries (Walmsley 2013).

The U.S. incarceration rate in 2012 was significantly higher than those 

of its neighbors: Canada’s and Mexico’s incarceration rates were 118 

and 210, respectively. Moreover, the U.S. incarceration rate is more 

than six times higher than the typical rate of 115 for a nation in the 

Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) 

(Walmsley 2013). As seen in figure 6, in recent years incarceration rates 

in OECD nations have ranged from 47 to 266; these rates are relatively 

comparable to the rates seen in the United States prior to the 1980s. 

Chapter 2: The Growth of Mass Incarceration in America

FIGURE 6.

Incarceration Rates in OECD Countries

With an incarceration rate of 710 inmates per 100,000 residents, the United States stands in stark contrast to the typical incarceration rate 

of 115 among OECD nations.

Sources: Glaze and Herberman 2013; Walmsley 2013; authors’ calculations.

Note: All incarceration rates are from 2013, with the exception of the rates for Canada, Greece, Israel, the Netherlands, Sweden, Switzerland, 

and the United States; of these countries, all rates are from 2012, with the exception of Canada, whose rate is from 2011–12. The incarceration 

rate for the United Kingdom is a weighted average of England and Wales, Northern Ireland, and Scotland. For more details, see the technical 

appendix.

0

100


200

300


400

500


600

700


800

United States

Chile

Estonia


Israel

Poland


Mexico

New Zealand

Slovakia

Hungary


Turkey

Czech Republic

Spain

United Kingdom



Portugal

Australia

Luxembourg

Canada


Greece

Belgium


Italy

South Korea

France

Austria


Ireland

Switzerland

Netherlands

Germany


Denmark

Norway


Sweden

Slovenia


Finland

Japan


Iceland

710


266

238


223

217


210

192


187

186


179

154


147

147


136

130


122

118


111

108


106

99

98



98

88

82



82

79

73



72

67

66



58

51

47



Incarceration rate per 100,000 of national population


The Hamilton Project  •  Brookings   11

discrepancies between races became more apparent. Men born in the 

latest birth cohort, 1975–79, reached their mid-thirties around 2010; 

for this cohort, the difference in cumulative risk of imprisonment 

between white and African American men is more than double the 

difference for the first birth cohort (as seen on the far right of figure 7).

These racial disparities become particularly striking when 

considering men with low educational attainment. Over 53 

percentage points distance white and African American male high 

school dropouts in the latest birth cohort (depicted by the difference 

between the two dashed lines on the far right of figure 7), with male 

African American high school dropouts facing a nearly 70 percent 

cumulative risk of imprisonment. This high risk of imprisonment 

translates into a higher chance of being in prison than of being 

employed. For African American men in general, it translates into a 

higher chance of spending time in prison than of graduating with a 

four-year college degree (Pettit 2012; Pettit and Western 2004).

For certain demographic groups, incarceration has become a fact 

of life. Figure 7 illustrates the cumulative risk of imprisonment for 

men by race, education, and birth cohort. As described by Pettit and 

Western (2004), the cumulative risk of imprisonment is the projected 

lifetime likelihood of serving time for a person born in a specific year. 

Specifically, each point reflects the percent chance that a man born 

within a given range of years will have spent time in prison by age 

thirty to thirty-four. Notably, most men who are ever incarcerated enter 

prison for the first time before age thirty-five, and so these cumulative 

risks by age thirty to thirty-four are reflective of lifetime risks.

Men in the first birth cohort, 1945–49, reached their mid-thirties 

by 1980 just as the incarceration rate began a steady incline. For all 

education levels within this age group, only an 8-percentage point 

differential separated white and African American men in terms of 

imprisonment risk (depicted by the difference between the two solid 

lines on the far left of figure 7). As the incarceration rate rose, however, 

Chapter 2: The Growth of Mass Incarceration in America

FIGURE 7.

Cumulative Risk of Imprisonment by Age 30–34 for Men Born Between 1945–49 and 

1975–79, by Race and Education

Among men born between 1975 and 1979, an African American high school dropout has nearly a 70 percent chance of being imprisoned 

by his mid-thirties.

Source: Western and Wildeman 2009.

Note: Cumulative risk of imprisonment is the projected lifetime likelihood of imprisonment for a person born in a specific range of years. For more details, see 

the technical appendix.

There is nearly a 70 percent chance that an 

African American man without a high school 

diploma will be imprisoned by his mid-thirties.



7.

Born


1945–49

Born


1950–54

Born


1955–59

Born


1960–64

Born


1965–69

Born


1970–74

Born


1975–79

Cumula

tiv

e risk of imprisonmen

t (per

cen

t)

Birth cohort

0

10



20

30

40



50

60

70



White, male high school dropouts

African American, male high school dropouts

White males, all education levels

African American males, all education levels




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