10 Ten Economic Facts about Crime and Incarceration
in the United States
Indeed, mass incarceration appears to be a relatively unique and recent
American phenomenon.
A variety of factors can explain the discrepancy in incarceration rates.
One important factor is higher crime rates, especially rates of violent
crimes: the homicide rate in the United States is approximately four
times the typical rate among the nations in figure 6 (United Nations
Office on Drugs and Crime 2014). Additionally, drug control policies
in the United States—which have largely not been replicated in other
Western countries—have prominently contributed to the rising
incarcerated population over the past several decades (Donahue,
Ewing, and Peloquin 2011). Another important factor is sentencing
policy; in particular, the United States imposes much longer prison
sentences for drug-related offenses than do many economically
similar nations. For example, the average expected time served for
drug offenses is twenty-three months in the United States, in contrast
to twelve months in England and Wales and seven months in France
(Lynch and Pridemore 2011).
The U.S. incarceration rate is more than six
times that of the typical OECD nation.
6.
The United States is an international outlier when it comes to
incarceration rates. In 2012, the incarceration rate in the United
States—which includes inmates in the custody of local jails, state
or federal prisons, and privately operated facilities—was 710 per
100,000 U.S. residents (Glaze and Herberman 2013). This puts the U.S.
incarceration rate at more than five times the typical global rate of 130,
and more than twice the incarceration rate of 90 percent of the world’s
countries (Walmsley 2013).
The U.S. incarceration rate in 2012 was significantly higher than those
of its neighbors: Canada’s and Mexico’s incarceration rates were 118
and 210, respectively. Moreover, the U.S. incarceration rate is more
than six times higher than the typical rate of 115 for a nation in the
Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD)
(Walmsley 2013). As seen in figure 6, in recent years incarceration rates
in OECD nations have ranged from 47 to 266; these rates are relatively
comparable to the rates seen in the United States prior to the 1980s.
Chapter 2: The Growth of Mass Incarceration in America
FIGURE 6.
Incarceration Rates in OECD Countries
With an incarceration rate of 710 inmates per 100,000 residents, the United States stands in stark contrast to the typical incarceration rate
of 115 among OECD nations.
Sources: Glaze and Herberman 2013; Walmsley 2013; authors’ calculations.
Note: All incarceration rates are from 2013, with the exception of the rates for Canada, Greece, Israel, the Netherlands, Sweden, Switzerland,
and the United States; of these countries, all rates are from 2012, with the exception of Canada, whose rate is from 2011–12. The incarceration
rate for the United Kingdom is a weighted average of England and Wales, Northern Ireland, and Scotland. For more details, see the technical
appendix.
0
100
200
300
400
500
600
700
800
United States
Chile
Estonia
Israel
Poland
Mexico
New Zealand
Slovakia
Hungary
Turkey
Czech Republic
Spain
United Kingdom
Portugal
Australia
Luxembourg
Canada
Greece
Belgium
Italy
South Korea
France
Austria
Ireland
Switzerland
Netherlands
Germany
Denmark
Norway
Sweden
Slovenia
Finland
Japan
Iceland
710
266
238
223
217
210
192
187
186
179
154
147
147
136
130
122
118
111
108
106
99
98
98
88
82
82
79
73
72
67
66
58
51
47
Incarceration rate per 100,000 of national population
The Hamilton Project • Brookings 11
discrepancies between races became more apparent. Men born in the
latest birth cohort, 1975–79, reached their mid-thirties around 2010;
for this cohort, the difference in cumulative risk of imprisonment
between white and African American men is more than double the
difference for the first birth cohort (as seen on the far right of figure 7).
These racial disparities become particularly striking when
considering men with low educational attainment. Over 53
percentage points distance white and African American male high
school dropouts in the latest birth cohort (depicted by the difference
between the two dashed lines on the far right of figure 7), with male
African American high school dropouts facing a nearly 70 percent
cumulative risk of imprisonment. This high risk of imprisonment
translates into a higher chance of being in prison than of being
employed. For African American men in general, it translates into a
higher chance of spending time in prison than of graduating with a
four-year college degree (Pettit 2012; Pettit and Western 2004).
For certain demographic groups, incarceration has become a fact
of life. Figure 7 illustrates the cumulative risk of imprisonment for
men by race, education, and birth cohort. As described by Pettit and
Western (2004), the cumulative risk of imprisonment is the projected
lifetime likelihood of serving time for a person born in a specific year.
Specifically, each point reflects the percent chance that a man born
within a given range of years will have spent time in prison by age
thirty to thirty-four. Notably, most men who are ever incarcerated enter
prison for the first time before age thirty-five, and so these cumulative
risks by age thirty to thirty-four are reflective of lifetime risks.
Men in the first birth cohort, 1945–49, reached their mid-thirties
by 1980 just as the incarceration rate began a steady incline. For all
education levels within this age group, only an 8-percentage point
differential separated white and African American men in terms of
imprisonment risk (depicted by the difference between the two solid
lines on the far left of figure 7). As the incarceration rate rose, however,
Chapter 2: The Growth of Mass Incarceration in America
FIGURE 7.
Cumulative Risk of Imprisonment by Age 30–34 for Men Born Between 1945–49 and
1975–79, by Race and Education
Among men born between 1975 and 1979, an African American high school dropout has nearly a 70 percent chance of being imprisoned
by his mid-thirties.
Source: Western and Wildeman 2009.
Note: Cumulative risk of imprisonment is the projected lifetime likelihood of imprisonment for a person born in a specific range of years. For more details, see
the technical appendix.
There is nearly a 70 percent chance that an
African American man without a high school
diploma will be imprisoned by his mid-thirties.
7.
Born
1945–49
Born
1950–54
Born
1955–59
Born
1960–64
Born
1965–69
Born
1970–74
Born
1975–79
Cumula
tiv
e risk of imprisonmen
t (per
cen
t)
Birth cohort
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
White, male high school dropouts
African American, male high school dropouts
White males, all education levels
African American males, all education levels