T H E M E
N e w R e l i g i o u s M o v e m e n t s
I I A S N E W S L E T T E R # 4 7 S p r i n g 0 0 8
Hirochika Nakamaki
PL’s propagation in Brazil started when
one of its Japanese members went to Bra-
zil in early 1957. Subsequently, an instruc-
tor was dispatched from the headquarters
in Osaka and its overseas propagation sys-
tem gradually became well established. It
was further intensified after Rev. Tokuchika
Miki, the Second Patriarch, began to travel
overseas after 1960. Rev. Tokuchika Miki,
who worked hard for religious coopera-
tion, had an audience with Pope Paul VI
in the Vatican in 1973. The photograph
of the meeting between the Pope and the
Patriarch is displayed in all PL churches in
Brazil, and has had a profound effect on
avoiding friction with the Catholic Church.
By the end of 1988, there was a total of 200
PL churches overseas: one in the United
States, one in Canada, 172 in Brazil, nine
in Argentina, five in Paraguay, 11 in Peru,
and one in France. PL has developed its
overseas presence in a way which is analo-
gous to that of Japanese multinational
enterprises, which spread their business,
employing local people and establishing
organisational hierarchies. This is because
PL has been eager to proselytise among
non-Japanese since the late 1960s.
Early propagation in Brazil was focused on
Japanese immigrants to Brazil and their
descendents, mainly located around the
Japanese NRMs as ‘multinational
enterprises’ and ‘epidemics’
In the mid-1980s Hirochika Nakamaki wrote about Perfect Liberty Kyôdan (PL), a Japanese new religious movement with a strong presence
in Brazil, comparing it to a multinational enterprise
1
. Nakamaki was the first to name such religions ‘multinational religions’. A later article
by Nakamaki on another popular Japanese NRM in Brazil, Seicho-No-Ie, employed the analogy of the epidemic to what he called endemic
religion
2
. This article briefly summarises the major findings of these two important studies.
State of São Paulo, but the number of non-
Japanese Brazilian followers has increased
since the mid- 1960s. The main reasons for
this were (1) emphasis on miracle-based
faith by oyasikiri (the taking of an oath to
God) and on thanks-based belief towards
the bliss of God; (2) the linking of sympa-
thetic personal counselling with religious
practices in everyday life; (3) active propa-
gation in Portuguese; and (4) the adoption
of a system that placed Brazilian instruc-
tors at the front line of propagation when
preaching to Brazilians. The PL Church has
thus spread from São Paulo State to Rio de
Janeiro, then on to Minas Gerais, and fur-
ther to other main cities throughout Brazil.
An instructor training school was founded
in São Paulo in 1977. 80 percent of its 73
members up to the eighth cohort of gradu-
ates were non-Japanese Brazilians. The
number of non-Japanese assistant instruc-
tors has also increased. PL purchased a
piece of land in Arujá in the suburb of São
Paulo in 1965, and constructed its South
America “Holy Land” there. The outdoor
altar, where the spirits of the dead are
enshrined, is located at the centre, and is
surrounded by the Instruction Department
office, training hall, gymnasium, graveyard
and Botanical Research Institute. A golf
course and a recreational park were also
constructed on the property. Fireworks at
the Founder’s Festival attracted tens of
thousands of people from 1973 to 1979.
Then the Festival was cancelled due to
the traffic and security problems. Various
international congresses and events have
been held at the Holy Land.
In principle, all regular rituals and events
are held only in Portuguese, differing
from other Japanese NRMs with overseas
branches, such as Tenrikyo and Sukyo
Mahikari. However, the PL newspaper,
Jornal Perfeita Liberdade, is published both
in Portuguese and Japanese. Six works by
Tokuchika Miki have already been trans-
lated and published in Portuguese. When
they were translated, a mention of base-
ball, for example, was replaced by soccer so
that local people might feel more familiar
was Brazil, a choice suggested to Wada Kazuo by the vice chairman of Sei-
cho-No-Ie. It seems that Wada calculated that the strength of Seicho-No-Ie
in Brazil would help Yaohan to establish itself by providing both a source of
employees and of potential customers. In the early 1970s Yaohan opened
a total of four stores in Brazil, however the combination of the oil shock of
1973 and the high rate of inflation in Brazil meant that the venture ran into
difficulties, and by 1980 Yaohan no longer had any stores in Brazil.
Despite this setback, Yaohan’s overseas expansion continued, to Singa-
pore in 1974, Hong Kong in 1984, and subsequently to mainland China, as
well as the US and the UK. Although employees of overseas branches were
not required to become members of Seicho-No-Ie, Seicho-No-Ie principles
continued to be used in Yaohan training programmes, a policy which met
with a range of responses from Yaohan’s overseas staff. In Singapore Yao-
han’s approach caused controversy: Muslim employees objected to refer-
ences to ‘God’ in Wada Katsu’s lectures during the training programme,
pointing out that Islam enjoins the worship of one God, Allah, and that
they could not therefore recognise Mrs Wada’s god. Training materials
were re-written as a result, substituting the term ‘the Creator’ for ‘God’.
In Hong Kong the picture appears more complex: May Wong (1994) sug-
gests that the Chinese employees were receptive to the content of the
training programme, partly because aspects of the teachings such as the
emphasis on filial piety and gratitude to seniors resonated with their own
cultural background. However, Heung Wah Wong (1999) points out that
local Chinese staff were largely excluded from Seicho-No-Ie activities with-
in the company, and argues that this exclusion from the symbolic heart of
the company reflects the differential value placed on local Chinese staff
who were seen as peripheral, compared to the Japanese managerial core.
Drawing on my own research, in Yaohan Plaza in the UK, similarly, partici-
pation in Seicho-No-Ie events such as meditation or prayers was confined
to the Japanese staff. Seicho-No-Ie based training was offered to manage-
rial staff, who attended courses in Hong Kong (an experience which met
with a mixed response), but on the whole Seicho-No-Ie seemed to have
little impact on the local staff. It was also noticeable that, at this distance
from the headquarters of Yaohan and from the Wada family, even the Japa-
nese employees of Yaohan UK showed little enthusiasm for Seicho-No-Ie
activities, to the dismay of local Seicho-No-Ie groups, who had hoped that
the opening of the UK store in 1993 would provide a boost to their organi-
sation. Between the period of my fieldwork in 1995 and Yaohan’s bank-
ruptcy in 1997, Seicho-No-Ie activities within the store showed a marked
decline, a situation which, according to one British manager, may have
been exacerbated by the decline of the company itself. He commented:
“If the company had been a success [Seicho-No-Ie] would have been an
excellent vehicle to keep everybody interested and positive, and to create
a strong culture which creates loyalty…I’m sure things would have been
very different.”
Yaohan’s involvement with Seicho-No-Ie during the period of the com-
pany’s growth, initially within Japan and later overseas, highlights both
similarities and contrasts between NRMs and MNCs as both types of
organisations seek to expand globally. It seems that both Yaohan and Sei-
cho-No-Ie entertained hopes that they could cooperate in order to pro-
mote the Seicho-No-Ie philosophy, and in so doing to also help to create
a distinctive corporate identity for Yaohan characterised by a strong work
and service ethic. In addition, they hoped to make use of each other’s
organisational strengths: for example in Brazil, Seicho-No-Ie was envis-
aged as a source of both employees and customers for the new Yaohan
stores, while in the UK local Seicho-No-Ie groups anticipated that Yaohan
would provide a new source of members and organisational support.
Patchy commitment, active resistance
In practice, however, these hopes were not fulfilled. Although the incorpo-
ration of Yaohan employees as Seicho-No-Ie members was accomplished
relatively easily, at least on a nominal level, in Japan; in other countries the
introduction of practices seen as religious into a workplace, or training
environment, conceived of as secular, met with resistance, in particular
where these practices were seen as in conflict with pre-existing religious
affiliations, as in Singapore. Furthermore, evidence from the UK suggests
that many Japanese employees may have seen their membership of Sei-
cho-No-Ie as a purely formal obligation, imposed by the Wada family. Both
Heung Wah Wong’s research on Yaohan Hong Kong and mine on the UK
suggest that in the overseas context membership of Seicho-No-Ie and
participation in Seicho-No-Ie activities took on a symbolic value, ironically
serving to differentiate Japanese and local staff, rather than furnishing a
source of corporate unity.
In the light of this, it is perhaps not surprising that Seicho-No-Ie and Yao-
han were also largely unsuccessful in making use of each other’s organi-
sational strengths – although individual contacts at the higher levels of
the respective organisations seem to have been good, at lower levels indi-
vidual commitment to Seicho-No-Ie on the part of Yaohan employees has
been patchy at best, and sometimes characterised by active resistance,
thus limiting the effectiveness of collaborations instituted from the top
down. In the UK case, for example, Yaohan management was willing to
let its premises be used for Seicho-No-Ie meetings, but Yaohan employ-
ees and their families would rarely participate in local Seicho-No-Ie group
organised events. In addition the store was very inconveniently located
for local Seicho-No-Ie members, so meetings at the store tended to be
poorly attended.
Overall, although Seicho-No-Ie has a considerable worldwide presence,
the expansion of the movement was not helped by its association with
Yaohan, nor did Yaohan derive any substantial benefits in its expansion
overseas from its association with Seicho-No-Ie. It is difficult to draw
firm general conclusions from one rather unusual case, especially given
Yaohan’s eventual bankruptcy – as the manager quoted above pointed
out, the story could have been very different if Yaohan had been success-
ful. However, it does suggest that, however compelling the parallels and
potential synergies between NRMs and MNCs may be, as the two types
of organisation both seek to expand globally, the blurring of boundaries
between them is experienced as problematic.
Louella Matsunaga
Department of Anthropology,
SOAS, University of London
lm38@soas.ac.uk
Notes:
1 For a more detailed account see Matsunaga 2000
2 Spiritual training programmes are well documented in Japanese companies,
see e.g. Rohlen 1973, 1974. However it is unusual for such programmes to be
based on the teachings of an NRM.
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