T H E M E
N e w R e l i g i o u s M o v e m e n t s
prevented him from being promoted to
the level of instructor (kmshi), the higher
rank. Instructor-training seminars in Por-
tuguese were finally organised from 1978,
and many non-Japanese instructors were
produced. However, the organisation itself
is in the hands of executive members who
are Brazilians of Japanese descent.
The founder, Masaharu Taniguchi takes a
strong position regarding the oneness of
all religions (bankyo kiitsu). In his book,
‘Seimei-no-Jisso (Truth of Life)’ he insists
that there can be only one truth even
though preaching methods are different,
and he proclaims the coexistence of Sei-
cho-No-Ie with other religions. This phi-
losophy has been applied in practice in the
multicultural environment of Brazil.
Despite Japan’s record in World War Two,
the world’s focus shifted to Japan’s rapid
post war economic growth, and the dili-
gence of the Japanese people has come
to be idealised in some overseas socie-
ties who are themselves experiencing
economic development from a low base.
The presence and popularity of Japanese
NRMs in these societies can be linked
to this phenomenon. The concepts of
‘epidemic’ Japanese religions and immu-
nity, are useful here, where the spread of
Japanese religions overseas is treated as
analogous to the spread of illness (with
no negative connotations intended)
4
.
‘Epidemic’ religions followed the tracks of
Japanese immigrants, settling initially in
the communities formed by the Japanese
and their descendents; at this stage they
may be regarded as ‘endemic’ religions,
internal to Japanese migrant communi-
ties. Subsequently they spread among the
non-Japanese host society, such as Brazil,
which had no immunity to them due to the
prevailing social conditions. The majority
of such epidemic Japanese religions were
NRMs. But that does not automatically
mean that all religions become epidemic.
It is necessary to examine how the philoso-
phy and practice of Seicho-No-Ie have had
a direct application to the problems of the
Brazilians.
When I asked Brazilian executives of the
Seicho-No-Ie Portuguese division in
Rondônia what personal suffering Brazil-
ians generally experience, they told me that
top of the list is marital and parent-child
problems, second is disease, followed by
economic problems. Some pointed out
spiritual issues as the fourth problem. As
mentioned earlier, PL tries to offer solu-
tions to these problems by face-to-face
counselling between instructors and their
followers. In the case of Seicho-No-Ie, the
examples of ancestor-worship and the
memorial service for the aborted foetus
have become the most effective solutions
it can offer for the daily life problems of its
followers.
Regarding the common problems of
divorce and abortion, which the Catholic
Church deals with coldly, Seicho-No-Ie
attracts favourable attention because it
deals with these problems through a form
of ritual, in addition to individual counsel-
ling and articles in the journal which fol-
lowers subscribe to. Some leaders recom-
mend their followers to worship ancestors
to solve not only family problems, but
also economic and health troubles. One
woman told me that her relationship with
her estranged husband improved after
she began worshipping ancestors, and
furthermore, she could eventually buy a
house and a car as a result of this practice.
Praying for the repose of both the hus-
band and the wife’s ancestors creates not
only an intangible sense of security, but
also requires that they respect each other,
which makes their relationship improve.
Epidemicising multinational
religions
Internationalisation and urbanisation in
Brazil are producing a middle class, and
mass society is emerging as a result.
Since the 1990s, globalisation has added
momentum to this trend. The roles that
Japan’s new religious movements per-
formed in the process of the formation of
mass society have had an epidemic impact
on Latin America where immunity to for-
eign religions is weak. Japanese popular
new religious movements, which grew
up in Japan after the War, including PL,
Rissei Kouseikai, Reiyukai, Seicho-No-Ie
and Sekai Kyuseikyo (Messianity), spread
rapidly in Japan itself with their slogans of
‘conquering disease and fighting poverty’,
‘equality of the sexes’, ‘spirit of diligence’,
etc. These Japanese NRMs then reached
Latin America, and are now performing
the same civilisational-historical role in
the formation of a globally developing
society.
Various other important non-Japanese
religious movements have been observed
in Latin America in the late 20th century,
too. Liberation Theology emerged from
the Catholic Church as one response to
rapid social change, with its central idea to
extend unconditional help to poor people
in slums. On the other hand, Pentecos-
talism created structures of self-defence
for the poor, but hardly shows interest in
other aspects of social change. In contrast,
Japan’s NRMs are successful in gather-
ing energy for their followers’ desire for
improvement in real life. This is because
Japan’s NRMs are accepted as ethical
belief systems for self-salvation. Both
Liberation Theology and Pentecostalism
have a significant meaning in mass soci-
ety where the gap in the social hierarchy
is wide. On the other hand, Japan’s epi-
demic NRMs may possibly show endemic
Japanese religions’ hidden infectivity when
mass society shifts from class society to
non-class society. It is important that
research on Japanese religions in Latin
America be conducted with reference to
this point.
Hirochika Nakamaki
National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka
nakahiro@idc.minpaku.ac.jp
Notes
1 Nakamaki, Hirochika. 1991. “Indigeniza-
tion and Multinationalization of Japa-
nese Religion: Perfect Liberty Kyodan in
Brazil,”Japanese Journal of Religious Studies,
18(2-3): 213-242, Nagoya: Nanzan Institute
for Religion and Culture, 1991. (Originally
appeared in Japanese in 1985 and included
in Nakamaki, Hirochika Japanese Religions
at Home and Abroad: Anthropological
Perspectives, London: RoutledgeCurzon,
2003.)
2 Nakamaki, Hirochika. 1993. “Endemic shu-
kyo to epidemic shukyo no kyosei: Burajiru
no Seicho-No-Ie no jirei kara”(Symbiosis
of endemic and epidemic religions: A case
of Seicho-No-Ie in Brazil), Shukyo Kenkyu
no.296.
3 Maeyama, Takashi. 1983. “Japanese Reli-
gions in Southern Brazil: Change and
‘Syncretism’,” Latin American Studies 6,
Tsukuba University.
4 The epidemiologic analogy in relation
to religion were first employed by Tadao
Umesao in 1965. A discussion of this is
included in Umesao, Tadao (2003) An Eco-
logical View of History: Japanese Civilization
in the World Context, Trans Pacific Press.
with the discussion. This process of indi-
genisation has been actively extended to
ritual. Japanese sake (rice wine), kelp and
dried cuttlefish which used to be offered at
major ceremonies, have been replaced by
wine and cakes in keeping with Brazilian
culture.
Since the late 1960s, the national policy
of Brazil’s military regime has been rapid
industrialisation. This has resulted in an
increase in the migration of rural popula-
tions to urban areas and the trend towards
nuclear families. People have been in
search of new, more suitable lifestyles and
moral codes to meet with the experience
of urbanisation and the nuclearisation of
the family, PL adopted measures to deal
with these changes in an era of rapid social
change, and thus was able to extend its
influence among non-Japanese Brazilians
in a short time.
Seicho-No-Ie (House of Growth)
Overseas propagation started soon after
Seicho-No-Ie was founded in Japan in
1930. It spread first to Korea, Manchuria
and mainland China under Japan’s coloni-
al rule at that time, then to Hawaii, North
America and Brazil, where many Japanese
migrants lived. There were magazine sub-
scribers in Brazil from 1930, but the first
branch was officially established there in
1938 or 1939.
‘Ascendedor’ was published in 1965 as a
monthly journal in Portuguese by the Sei-
cho-No-Ie Young Members’ Association.
This journal played a major role in propa-
gation among non-Japanese Brazilians.
50,000 copies were published in 1973, and
370,000 copies in 1980. About 500,000
copies of ‘Ascendedor’ and about 120,000
copies of ‘Pomba Blanca’ (White Pidgeon)
have been published as of 1987 by the
White Pigeons Association, a Seicho-No-
Ie women’s organisation. This figure, how-
ever, does not reflect the correct number
of believers, because one believer could
buy and distribute dozens or hundreds of
booklets to non-members.
The Seicho-No-Ie Propagation Head
Office in Latin America is located in São
Paulo. There are about 60 disciplinary
training centers and two training halls in
Brazil, and branch offices in Mexico, Peru,
Argentina and Colombia. As of 1980, there
were a total of 792 local instructors (chihô
kôshi) and 216 practitioners (kômyô jissen
iin) overseas. Of these, two thirds of local
instructors and 80 percent of practition-
ers were in Brazil. In 2006 there were 304
points of propagation outside of Japan.
The major bases of evangelism overseas
are distributed across the US, Canada, Bra-
zil and Taiwan.
According to Takashi Maeyama’s
research
3
, Seicho-No-Ie in Brazil has
the following characteristics: It initially
spread as a religion to heal diseases in the
1930s. The number of believers among the
World War Two ‘winning side’ increased
in the early 1950s. The number of women
and young people of Japanese descent
increased remarkably in 1960s. Since Por-
tuguese-language propagation stations
were established in 1966, Seicho-No-Ie
has spread rapidly among non-Japanese
Brazilians. A dual structure strategy was
successfully implemented completely
separating the Portuguese-language divi-
sion and the Japanese-language division.
In simple terms, Japanese descendents
entered Seicho-No-Ie to become good Jap-
anese, while Brazilians entered to become
good Catholics. It was symbolic that they
named their organisation ‘Igreja’ (church)
in Portuguese in 1970. For the first time, a
Brazilian member was appointed as a mis-
sionary (dendmin) in 1968, but he faced the
obstacle of the Japanese language, which
Multi-ethnic gathering of
Seicho-No-Ie in Brazil.
A Brazilian leader talking in a church of Perfect Liberty
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