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is threatening the regime.” He refers to
the state’s achievements in bringing about
change through policy reorientation to
redress the negative consequences of eco-
nomic growth. And he sees unity within the
party in deepening the reform process.
6
Democracy in China is a borrowed con-
cept, according to Yong Xu, Director of
the Centre for Chinese Rural Studies of
the Central China Normal University, and
a leading expert on village elections. The
1998 Organic Law on Village Committees
provided the first institutional basis for
China’s grassroots democracy. This form
of rural self-governance is based on the
separation of collective ownership of vil-
lage property such as land, from individual
user rights. This means that ownership
per se is in the hands of the village com-
mittee, which is supposed to represent the
collective interests of the villagers, rather
than individual villagers. As such, farmers’
demands for village governance are inextri-
cably linked with their interactions with the
village committees over the management
of common property.
7
To a certain extent,
the system of direct election of village
committee leaders, established in the early
1980s to enhance political accountability,
has strengthened citizens’ right to legal
justice to tackle the issue of infringement
of villagers’ rights by the village commit-
tees and higher-level governments. None-
theless, argue Ching Kwan Lee and Mark
Selden, professors of political science at
Cornell University, “there is little evidence
to date … that these efforts by the central
government and the citizenry have had
significant effects in curbing the arbitrary
powers of local officials, still less that they
have empowered villagers in the face of the
party’s monopoly on formal power”.
8
The
lack of internal conditions such as demo-
cratic rules, procedures and skills of the
villagers are further hindering the village
governance reform process. These issues
must be addressed first, according to Xu.
In order to succeed in village elections,
the higher-level township government
must also undergo such a process; but he
admits that this will be a tough task. Yet, he
notes, one has to understand that in such
a large country, the state will have to play a
proactive role in guiding democracy.
9
China has reached a critical point in its development. Widespread poverty and growing social inequality are posing daunting
challenges for social stability. The Chinese government seems aware of this, but needs to do more to empower the people
to participate in the reform process.
Democracy by degrees:
China’s roadmap for change?
Yongjun Zhao
C
hina’s development is uneven and
unbalanced, with growing divisions
between urban and rural areas, men and
women, and different population groups.
This trend is further exacerbated by the
lack of effective governance. According
to the 2007 Corruption Perceptions Index
(CPI) compiled by Transparency Interna-
tional, China ranks 72 out of 180 countries.
Former President Jiang Zemin admitted
that up to 20 percent of the state budget
went missing in 2000, while the National
Audit Association revealed that 10 percent
of the funds earmarked for poverty allevia-
tion go astray.
1
Since 2002, China’s development policy
has shifted away from an over-emphasis
on rapid economic growth towards sus-
tainable development and deepening gov-
ernance reform. In the 11th five-year plan
for national economic and social develop-
ment (2006–2010), the agenda for build-
ing a prosperous and harmonious soci-
ety includes the adoption of a scientific or
people-centred approach to development.
This blueprint was reiterated at the 17th
Communist Party Congress in October
2007, demonstrating the party’s concerns
about the overheated economy and the
widening social inequalities. In his politi-
cal report to the congress, President Hu
Jintao expressed his willingness to deepen
the political reform process by prioritis-
ing democratisation within the party and
gradually increasing citizen participation
in public affairs, especially at the grass-
roots level, under the rule of law. For the
first time he made it clear that he regards
grassroots democracy as the fundamental
engine of socialist-style democracy.
These policy changes may signal the
determination of China’s top leadership
to tackle the tensions and problems con-
fronting the country, although some schol-
ars believe it is unlikely that the state will
seriously undertake democratisation. Oth-
ers hold the view that China’s economic
development will inevitably lead to greater
democracy and they believe that China’s
growing middle class will be the driving
force for change. With the impact of glo-
balisation on Chinese society and polity,
the quest for democracy is inevitable. The
question is to what degree the party/state
has the capacity to deepen its experimen-
tation with political reform, and what role
society can play in this process.
The state capacity to
democratise
Minxin Pei, Director of the China pro-
gramme at the Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace is pessimistic. He
describes China’s transition as being
trapped in partial economic and political
reforms.
2
He views the state as neo-author-
itarian in nature, and thus self-destructive,
and claims that improving its governance
and representing societal interests will
eventually exhaust its economic and politi-
cal vitality. This is because the state has
no effective means to address the current
problems, given its inherent institutional
weaknesses, characterised by pervasive
corruption and the lack of mechanisms
to enhance political accountability. The
gradualist reform strategy centred on the
state’s goal of political survival cannot lead
to a fully fledged market economy under
the rule of law.
3
In his recent comments
on the 17th congress, Pei stated that the
Chinese leaders’ obsession with politi-
cal stability can only hinder the overdue
reform, which could be exacerbated by the
likely economic consequences – falling
consumer demand, diminished household
wealth, rising bad bank loans and reduced
corporate investment.
4
Will Hutton, Chief Executive of the Work
Foundation and Governor of the London
School of Economics, also warns that
“China is running up against a set of
daunting challenges from within its own
political and economic systems that could
well derail its rise, leading to a massive
shock to the global economy’.
5
For Hut-
ton, the state still imposes arbitrary, some-
times totalitarian ideological interventions
on society, which has no effective means
to participate in the political deliberation
process. Consequently, the state faces a
crisis of ideological and political legiti-
macy. The party is, according to Hutton,
‘a moral and ideological empty vessel’
that is unable to confront the escalating
social protests and its own corruption. To
address this, Hutton argues that China
needs to develop independent and plu-
ralist public institutions built on the rule
of law, an independent judiciary, freedom
of the press and authentic representative
government.
These perspectives on China’s transi-
tion remain highly controversial. Andrew
Nathan, professor of political science at
Columbia University, contends that Pei
fails to provide ample evidence to support
his thesis. He argues that China may not
need Western democracy and full marketi-
sation apart from reforms to streamline
public administration based on controlled
consultation processes. Nathan also ques-
tions whether the mounting social unrest
Step-by-step democracy
Keping Yu, director of the China Com-
parative Politics and Economics Centre
(CCPEC), a central government think-tank,
has proposed a concept of incremental
democracy for China, which was endorsed
by the 17th congress. The prerequisites
for this pattern of democracy are a strong
economy and modern political and legal
frameworks. Given its complex social and
economic realities, China can only adopt
a gradual approach to democracy by pur-
suing ‘inner-party’ and grassroots democ-
racy first. His view resonates with those of
other Chinese scholars, such as Tianyong
Zhou, professor at the China Central Party
School, and Xinjun Gao, senior fellow at
CCPEC. In recognition of the current gov-
ernance structure, characterised by top-
down administration and supervision,
they claim that local governments lack
accountability to the poor, who actually
have few incentives to participate in public
affairs. To Zhou and Gao, mechanisms for
improving inner-party democracy will have
to be explored and institutionalised in par-
allel with grassroots experimentation. Only
when the party itself becomes democratic
will the centralised governance structure
become more decentralised.
10
Culture also plays a role in societal and
political change. Michael Johnston, pro-
fessor of political science at Colgate Uni-
versity, New York, argues that despite the
increasing awareness of democratic val-
ues, principles and practices among the
public and politicians, the majority of the
population are still overwhelmed by Confu-
cian values. As a result, Chinese society, to
certain extent, is organised in strong net-
works in which patron–client relationships
play an overriding role in social and politi-
cal relations. It is in these spheres that
people are inclined to rely on consensus
making and the power of the authorities,
which inhibit the development of a plu-
ralist society and further undermine the
power of the citizenry in holding the state
accountable.
11
Political change in China hinges not only
upon the state itself, but also on society as
the agent of change. People are not entire-
ly constrained by the binding superstruc-
tures; rather, they are active agents whose
culture, ideas, values and knowledge play
an important role in driving the process of
change.
12
The roles of the state and soci-
ety in political and social transformations
are mutually reinforcing. This highlights
a number of issues that require further
study. What and how can power be trans-
ferred from higher- to lower-level authori-
ties and newly elected village committees,
villagers and the wider public? What will
this mean for the elected village commit-
tees, which are fettered by their lack of
control over resources and have little say
in village administration, as the nomina-
tion of their leadership is controlled by
the higher-level authorities? Who are the
champions of change and how are they
driving it? And, in the context of the lack
of democracy, as seen by the West, what
model of democracy do the Chinese peo-
ple themselves need?
Policy makers need to be convinced with
viable options for tackling poverty and
social inequalities through improvements
in governance. The realisation of sustained
growth coupled with democratic govern-
ance can only be a protracted process. The
promoters of democratic governance will
have to confront resistance from differ-
ent groups of actors with vested interests
and identify and seize opportunities again
and again, according to Jesse Ribot, senior
associate at the World Resources Institute.
All of this will require a viable programme
that addresses the poverty and social divi-
sions in a society that is dominated by a
hierarchical and compartmentalised state.
Perhaps the roadmap is there, but societal
demands for measures to implement the
new development agenda, and the reac-
tions to them, require further studies.
Yongjun Zhao
Project manager and researcher at the Centre
for Development Studies, University of Gron-
ingen, the Netherlands.
yongjun.zhao@yahoo.com
Notes
1. Watts, Jonathan. 2004. ‘China admits first
rise in poverty since 1978’, The Guardian,
20 July 2004.
2. Pei, Minxin. 2006. China’s Trapped Transi-
tion: The Limits of Developmental Autocracy.
Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
3. Pei, Minxin. 2006. ibid. See also Breslin
(2007: 7), who questions whether the reo-
rientation of policy indicates a change in
the fundamental basis of polity.
4. Pei, Minxin. 2007. ‘How Hu can break free
from political gridlock’, Financial Times, 11
October.
5. Hutton, Will. 2006. The Writing on the Wall:
Why We Must Embrace China as a Partner or
Face It as an Enemy. New York: Free Press.
6. Nathan, Andrew. 2006. ‘Present at the stag-
nation: Is China’s development stalled?’
Foreign Affairs, July/August.
7. Xu, Yong. 2003. Rural Governance and Chi-
nese Politics, Beijing: China Social Science
Press.
8. Lee, Ching Kwan and Selden, Mark 2007.
‘China’s durable inequality: Legacies of
revolution and pitfalls of reform’. Japan
Focus.
9. Xu, Yong. 2003. ibid.
10. Xu,Yong. 2003. ibid. See also Gao, Xinjun.
2005. Realization of Government Transfor-
mation from Autocracy to Accountability:
Comparative Studies in Township-level Gov-
ernance in China. Xi’an: Northwest Univer-
sity Press.
11. Johnston, Michael. 2007. Corruption in
China: Old Ways, New Realities and a
Troubled Future http://unpan1.un.org/
intradoc/groups/public/documents/apc-
ity/unpan024539.pdf
12. Gardner, Katy and David Lewis. 1996.
Anthropology, Development and the Post-
Modern Challenge. London: Pluto Press.