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Executive Summary
Iranian Azerbaijanis have historically been considered the country’s most loyal
ethno-linguistic minority. Predominantly Shiite, with religion being the most
important source of collective identity, Turkophone Azerbaijanis had until the
1920s provided numerous dynasties to the Persian thrones. From Seljuks to Qajars,
they stayed at the avant-garde of the Persian empires and shielded them from the
major Sunni rival, the Ottoman Empire.
The rise of nationalism in the 20
th
century gradually breached the image of Iranian
Azerbaijanis as a perfectly loyal community. For a tiny group of Iran-born
Azerbaijani intellectuals in the first decades of the last century, the (re)discovery of
ethno-linguistic identity, distinct from Persian, upgraded the populations of the
Caucasus and Anatolia to the status of brethren. This raised concerns in Tehran
over the fate of the strategic northwest should Iran’s largest ethno-linguistic
community seek separation from the rest of the country. These fears were
heightened when in 1945, Iran’s Azerbaijani provinces were established by the
Moscow-led People’s Republic of Azerbaijan. Lacking popular support, the
Communist-inspired puppet republic failed to survive the Soviet withdrawal and
disintegrated well before the influx of the Iranian military.
A mere year of intermezzo of Iranian Azerbaijan’s de facto statehood still led the
Iranian monarchy to adapt increased efforts to ensure the country’s northwest
remained part of Iran. Assimilatory policies intensified in the post-World War II
decades. These were aimed both at the potentially disloyal members of ethnic
communities but particularly at Azerbaijanis. Masses of Iranian Azerbaijanis
assimilated into the Persian mainstream. This was due to internal immigration of
millions of Azerbaijanis to Tehran and the country’s other industrial areas, the lack
of education in their native tongue, and certain stigmatization stemming from
being a Turkophone Azerbaijani in Iran.
Iran’s Azerbaijani Question in Evolution
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The Islamic Revolution of 1979 initially brought about attenuation of state-imposed
Persian nationalism. This was eventually replaced by the shared religion, Shiite
Islam, as the ideological foundation of the emerging Republic. Yet, the situation
gradually shifted during the 1980s and 1990s and Persian nationalism and
assimilation policies returned to the forefront of state policies.
Nevertheless, the situation in Iran’s Azerbaijani provinces had already begun to
change dramatically since the early 1990s. This was largely driven by
developments outside Iran. The dissolution of the Soviet Union led to the
establishment of an independent Azerbaijan to the north of the Araxes River- a
source of immense concern for Iranian authorities, particularly in the light of the
mounting Armenian-Azerbaijani war over Nagorno-Karabakh. This war
threatened to jeopardize the Islamic Republic’s security by spilling over to Iran’s
Azerbaijani-majority provinces. The war also served as a source of inspiration for
masses of Iranian Azerbaijanis eager to rediscover their “northern brethren”
following decades of mutual isolation. In a similar vein, the economic and political
rise of Turkey led many Iranian Azerbaijanis to rediscover their ethno-linguistic
and cultural roots and reconsider their Turkic heritage as a source of pride. As a
result, roughly over the last 25 years, many Iranian Azerbaijanis have become more
proud of their unique cultural heritage.
There is also an important international dimension of Iranian Azerbaijan's ongoing
transformation. There are two states – Azerbaijan and Turkey – with their
dominant population ethnolinguistically and to an extent also culturally very close
to Azerbaijanis. Since the establishment of independent Azerbaijan in 1991, many
Iranian Azerbaijanis, particularly those of secular and nationalist mindsets, have
both enthusiastic and romanticized attitudes toward very statehood of the
Republic of Azerbaijan. On the other hand, the division in the first half of the 19
th
Century of Azerbaijani-majority territories into the Russian-dominated north and
the Persian-dominated South brought about the formation of cultures that are, in
many respects, antagonistic. While secularization, Russification, and strong ethnic
nationalism have shaped Caucasian Azerbaijan, strong religious identity, social
conservatism, and cultural Persification have been dominant in the midst of Iranian
Azerbaijanis. Emphatic cultural dissimilarities between the Northern and Southern
Souleimanov & Kraus
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Azerbaijanis are something Azerbaijanis on both sides of the Araxes River, even
those in favor of unification have become gradually cognizant of.
Since the 1990s, the following processes have been crystallized among Iran’s
Azerbaijanis:
•
A small, yet vocal minority of Iranian Azerbaijanis has emerged
advocating for ethno-linguistic and cultural rights, such as education in
their native Turkic tongue, formally allowed by the Iranian Constitution,
but de facto banned. Most of these Iran-based political activists fall short
of challenging the territorial integrity of Iran. They have struggled for the
acknowledgement of Iranian Azerbaijanis’ distinct ethno-linguistic
identity within the borders of Iran. The extent of popular support for
these groups is hardly calculable. Public manifestations, particularly
those regarding politically sensitive topics, are not allowed in Iran and
dissidents face harsh persecution. Those in support for Iranian
Azerbaijanis’ cultural emancipation – or even for autonomy – appear to
prevail in the region’s main cities, predominately within university-
educated secular youth.
•
A number of recent events, for instance, the 2006 Cartoon Crisis and the
2011 Urmiye Protests, have motivated even politically apathetic Iranian
Azerbaijanis to protest. The protests have concerned what they consider
state-tolerated discrimination of Azerbaijanis, a disrespectful attitude
toward their heritage, as well as environmental issues.
•
Since the early 2000s, a tiny, but visible group of secular
(ultra)nationalists has emerged in Iranian Azerbaijan. This group has
been concentrated in major cities, particularly in Tabriz, Urmiye and
Ardabil. Often associated with the Tabriz soccer club Tractor Sazi fan
club, members of this group have on various occasions questioned
Southern Azerbaijan’s status within Iran, displaying determination to
secede from the Islamic Republic and join the Azerbaijani Republic
and/or Turkey.
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