Aa history Lovers 2010 moderators Nancy Olson and Glenn F. Chesnut page



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available, but I

can't find the actual audio.


Radio broadcasts during that period were usually live, but "electrical

transcriptions" (usually 16 inch disks) were often made for

the use of commercial sponsors, or for rebroadcast for the west coast.
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++++Message 6395. . . . . . . . . . . . The Great Fact on p. 164 in the Big

Book


From: donaldl.mansell . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/16/2010 11:27:00 AM
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The term "the Great Fact" appears on pg. 164 in the Big Book, and seems to

refer


to a deity because of the capital letters. I assume Wilson did not create

the


term but can find no reference to an original source. Can anyone shed some

light


on this?
- - - -
From the moderator:
The passage you are talking about on page 164 reads as follows:
<with Him is right, and great events will come to pass

for you and countless others. This is the Great Fact

for us.>>


It seems to me that this passage is saying:
"The Great Fact" =

IF your relationship with God is right

THEN great events will happen for you and many people.
The words "great fact" also appear one other place in the first 164 pages of

the


Big Book, on p. 25:
<have had deep and effective spiritual experiences*

which have revolutionized our whole attitude toward

life, toward our fellows and toward God's universe.

The central fact of our lives today is the absolute cer-

tainty that our Creator has entered into our hearts and

lives in a way which is indeed miraculous. He has

commenced to accomplish those things for us which

we could never do by ourselves.>>
This seems to me to be saying pretty much the same thing:
"The great fact" =

WHEN we had the right spiritual experience of God

THEN God did revolutionary and miraculous things for us which we could never

do

by ourselves.


Or in other words, the words "Great Fact" do not seem to me to be referring

to

God himself, but to the fact of what God has done for us. That would be my



reading of it.
Bill Wilson, using early twentieth century literary style, sometimes used

capital letters simply to emphasize words, or to indicate that he was

pointing

to something very specific (instead of just any old "great fact" among a

large

number of important factual statements). It doesn't necessarily mean that he



is

referring to God.


So if you look down to the next paragraph, you can see him capitalizing

"Fellowship of the Spirit" and "Road of Happy Destiny." And that's why we

still

capitalize the words "Big Book."


In the early twentieth century -- in fact, going all the way back to the

eighteenth century -- good writers of English capitalized words a whole lot

more

than authors have been doing over more recent years. I have seen this change



taking place personally, over the course of my own lifetime, because I was

born


the same year that the Big Book was published. I don't capitalize as many

words


now when I write formal English prose as I did when I was twenty years old.

It

just looks old fashioned and awkward when you write like that nowadays.


But other members of the group may have a different reading of this passage.
Glenn Chesnut (South Bend, Indiana, U.S.)
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++++Message 6396. . . . . . . . . . . . Jack Alexander

From: Glenn Chesnut . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/17/2010 5:59:00 PM


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We have been asked for Jack Alexander's date of birth and for a photograph

of

him.


Box 459 for February-March 2008

http://www.aa.org/en_pdfs/en_box459_febmar08.pdf

has a photo of him.
There is also what appears to be a poorer copy of the same photo, cropped

down a


bit and (it seems to me) vertically distorted, at

http://www.aa.org.mx/Experiencias.htm


Are there any other known photos?
That Box 459 article says that "in failing health, Jack Alexander and his

wife


Anita retired to Florida, where he died on September 17, 1975," and says

that he


was 38 years old when he did the Saturday Evening Post article, so he must

have


been born c. 1903.
Somewhat puzzlingly, many other places say that Jack Alexander died on

September

19, 1975 in St. Louis. Can anyone in our group confirm which date and place

is

correct?


Thanks!
Glenn Chesnut (South Bend, Indiana)
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++++Message 6397. . . . . . . . . . . . Milton Maxwell

From: Glenn Chesnut . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/18/2010 2:23:00 PM


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We have been asked for Milton Maxwell's date of birth. If we can also obtain

his


date of death, we might as well post that too.
The request referred to him as Milton Maxwell M.D., but in my checking

around he

seems to have been a Ph.D., not an M.D.
Can anyone in our group verify which of those is correct?
Thanks!
Glenn Chesnut (South Bend, Indiana)
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++++Message 6398. . . . . . . . . . . . RE: Milton Maxwell (and Jack

Alexander)

From: J. Lobdell . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/18/2010 8:18:00 PM
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From Jared Lobdell and Jim Blair
- - - -
From: "J. Lobdell"

(jlobdell54 at hotmail.com)


I find in my notes (unattributed I'm sorry to say) that Milton A. Maxwell,

Ph.D., was born August 17 1907 and died October 28 1988.


Btw, Jack Alexander was, I believe, b. February 8 1903, but beyond the fact

that


he died in Florida in 1975 (perhaps in September), I have no vital

statistics on

him.
Milton Maxwell was a Professor of Sociology and definitely a Ph.D.

(University

of Texas, I believe).
- - - -
From: James Blair

(jblair at videotron.ca)


On the cover of his book, The Alcoholics Anonymous Experience, he gives his

name


as Milton A. Maxwell, Ph.D.
He was a sociologist.
Jim
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++++Message 6399. . . . . . . . . . . . Milton Maxwell

From: Glenn Chesnut . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/19/2010 4:35:00 PM


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Markings: Your Archives Interchange, Vol. 28, No. 3 (Fall 2008)

http://www.aa.org/en_pdfs/f-151_markings_fall08.pdf


A Class A Trustee Whose Research and Writing

Focused on Alcoholism and the A.A. Fellowship


Milton A. Maxwell was elected

to the General Service Board in

1971 and its chairman in 1978.

[WITH PHOTOGRAPH]


Milton A. Maxwell, who served as a Class A (nonalcoholic)

trustee and then chairman of the General Service

Board, traced his interest in A.A. to his time as a minister

when he was approached by a congregant seeking help for a

drinking problem.
Years later, he wrote: "Little did I realize in 1939

when, as Leslie S.'s minister, I suggested Alcoholics

Anonymous to him, that in 1947 I would be a sociologist

doing a Ph.D dissertation on A.A. But such was the case,

and the result is a deep interest in the problem of alcoholism

and particularly in A.A."


The title of that dissertation is "Social Factors in the

Alcoholics Anonymous Program." Maxwell was a sociology

professor at Washington State University when he was

awarded his Ph.D in 1949.


In his dissertation abstract, Maxwell analyses the power of

the A.A. group: "changed social relations are the most effective

means for bringing about personality change--and that

the social interaction in a primary group has the greatest capacity

for bringing about such change."
He wrote or co-wrote 20 articles on the sociological aspects

of alcoholism during his tenure at WSU from 1947 to

1965, and nine while a professor at Rutgers University from

1965 to 1975.


In 1984, he published a full-length book, The AA Experience,

intended for professionals.


Maxwell was elected to the General Service Board of

Alcoholics Anonymous as a Class A (nonalcoholic) trustee

in 1971 and its chairman in 1978. Among the presentations

he gave during his tenure was one on cooperation with non-

A.A. professionals, which he delivered in 1971 at the

Conference: "A.A.'s No. 1 concern should be the quality of

A.A. itselfâ¦. This is the most important contribution which

A.A. can make to the total field. Nevertheless, I believe that

A.A. will not have its best future unless it also--and within

the Traditions--continually concerns itself with good twoway

communication with the non-A.A. alcoholism world."
In another presentation, on anonymity, which he gave at

the Conference in 1978, he says: "Originally, being anonymous

was a simple response to the prevailing stigma. It was

aimed at protecting individuals already in the groups and

promised the same protection to anyone thinking about coming

in. Then, from experience, emerged the understanding of

anonymity's spiritual values--for members personally, each

group, and the Fellowship as a whole."


He stepped down from the post in 1982, but continued

to be involved with Alcoholics Anonymous World Services

and A.A. as trustee emeritus. He was 81 years old at his death

in 1988.
The Milton A. Maxwell Collection was donated to the

General Service Office Archives by Charlotte Maxwell about

a year later.


Among that collection is his pamphlet "Alcohol, Man, and

Science," published in 1965 by Washington State University.

In it Maxwell challenges the stereotype of the alcoholic:

"Alcoholism is a progressive illness with a very gradual, frequently

imperceptible, onsetâ¦. Many alcoholics are hidden

from recognition by others, and even from themselves, by the

stereotype of late-stage alcoholics--perhaps the Skid

Row type or even the 'Lost Weekend' type. But the

majority of our alcoholics, at a given time, are not

late-stage alcoholics. One study showed that almost 70

percent of the male alcoholic patients at a Seattle private

hospital for alcoholics were married and living with

spouse; 95 percent of them were employed."
In another of his writings--"Hidden Alcoholic

Employees"--Maxwell again took up the case of the alcoholic

who escapes notice: "the alcoholic employee not only

can be a 'hidden man' but usually is. Late-stage alcoholism

which seriously interferes with job performance can seldom

be hidden and is seldom tolerated. But early-stage and even

much of middle-stage alcoholism can be hidden--and most

problem drinkers in industry are in these stages."


In his research, Maxwell investigated the psychology of

the alcoholic. In an article he wrote in 1950 ("Alcohol

Addiction as a Sociogenic Personality Disorder"), he says:

"alcohol effects an illusory adjustment which, in the course

of time, creates new maladjustments, new problems, new

tensions involving family, friends, and job." Also from the

same article: "self-esteem is shaken, guilt and remorse set in,

and alcohol has the capacity of narcotizing this pain ...."


Among Maxwell's works is an article on the Washingtonian

Movement that is familiar to A.A. members. In it Maxwell

compares that temperance society of the 1840s with Alcoholics

Anonymous. Begun in Baltimore in 1841, the Washingtonians

numbered in the tens of thousands (and possibly well over

100,000) within a couple of years. "If there is uncertainty concerning

the number of alcoholics temporarily helped or permanently

rehabilitated ... there is no question that the movement

made a tremendous impact," according to Maxwell.

That impact, though, was relatively brief, with membership

peaking in the mid-1840s and petering out soon thereafter.
In comparing the Washingtonian Movement to A.A.,

Maxwell says that whereas there were obvious similarities,

"the differences can be brought out ... by an analysis of the

Alcoholics Anonymous program--its principles, practices

and content."
The most significant differences, and the reasons that A.A.

has endured and the Washingtonians did not, says Maxwell

in his article: are A.A.'s exclusively alcoholic membership;

its singleness of purpose, which includes steering clear of

"outside issues;" that it provides a program of recovery,

including the Twelve Steps; its principle of anonymity; and

the Traditions.
As it was noted in a workshop of the 1983 General Service

Conference, Maxwell's account of the Washingtonians "revealed

that one cause of its collapse was the ego-stroking that

the movement encouraged" and that "a clear-cut primary

purpose became diffused into a muddle of worthy causes."
In his farewell talk as chairman of the General Service

Board, at the 1982 Conference, Maxwell said: "In a general

society characterized by competitive striving for status, recognition,

power, and their material symbols, A.A. has a recovery

program based upon opposite values--upon learning

and an unself-centered way of life .... Furthermore, A.A. has

a collective life--Traditions, Concepts, minimum of structure--

that is remarkably in harmony with and supportive of

the basic recovery program."
Soon after Maxwell had been elected Board chairman, Dr.

Jack Norris, who served as a trustee on the Board from 1951

to 1978, had this to say about the new chairman: "I believe

Milton Maxwell is too little appreciated in A.A., because he

is so quiet. But because of his understanding heart, I think

Milton may be A.A.'s greatest nonalcoholic friend in the field

of alcoholism."
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++++Message 6401. . . . . . . . . . . . Milton Maxwell

From: Charlie C . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/20/2010 5:14:00 PM


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Here's that info again Glenn:
I dug around a little, and seeing that Milton Maxwell had been a

sociology prof at Washington State in Pullman for many years looked in

some standard sources, no luck, but then contacted their library and

received the following information from a fellow librarian there. (Most

college archives, usually in their libraries, keep some sort of faculty

bio file...)


"Milton Andrew Maxwell. Born August 12, 1907 in Beecher Illinois.

Attended high school in Rowena, Texas. Parents Daniel and Bertha, father

was a "Minister, Evangelical and Reformed Church." Wife (at time of

this 1947 paperwork, anyway) was Charlotte Catherine Maxwell. Two

children (again, as of 1947), Douglas and Ross.
Degrees were: A.B. in 1929 from Elmhurst (ILL) College, B.D. in 1931

from Chicago Theological Seminary, M.A. in 1944 from University of

Texas. Left to come to WSU with his PhD unfinished, but notes say he

finished it through U of Texas in 1949. His wife, by the way, received

a B.S. in Chemistry in 1933 from the Florida State College for Women.
Held the following positions before WSU:

Social Research Assistant, 1930-1931, Chicago Congregational Union

Minister, 1931-1934, 1st Congregational Church, Ault, Colo.

Minister, 1934-1940, Community Church, Flossmoor, Ill.

Minister, 1940-1945, University Community Church, Austin, Tex.

Part-time instructor in Sociology, 1943-1945, University of Texas


Hired at WSU (well, then WSC, as we only became WSU in 1959) in 1945,

remained here until 1965 at which point he resigned to take another

position. He had some short periods away - resigned in 1960 to "take

another position" and returned one year later. Was on sabbatical and

then unpaid personal leave in 1957-1958 at Yale Univ. Center of Alcohol

Studies."


Charlie C.

IM = route20guy


"A flittin stane gaithers nae fog"
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++++Message 6402. . . . . . . . . . . . Re: Milton Maxwell

From: Jim Myers . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/19/2010 9:41:00 PM


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On silkworth.net is the following:
The Washingtonian Movement: Comparison With Alcoholics Anonymous
QUART. J. STUD. ALC., VOL. 11, 410-452, 1950.

By Milton A. Maxwell, Ph.D., Assistant Professor of Sociology, State College

of

Washington, Pullman, Washington


(From Jim M of silkworth.net - Please note above: By Milton A. Maxwell,

Ph.D.)
COMPARISON WITH ALCOHOLICS ANONYMOUS


It is apparent that the Washingtonian societies, when they were most

effective

in the rehabilitation of alcoholics, had a great many similarities to

Alcoholics

Anonymous. These similarities might be listed as follows:

1. Alcoholics helping each other.

2. The needs and interests of alcoholics kept central, despite mixed

membership,

by predominance of numbers, control, or the enthusiasm of the movement.

3. Weekly meetings.

4. The sharing of experiences.

5. The fellowship of the group or its members constantly available.

6. A reliance upon the power of God.

7. Total abstinence from alcohol.

Most Washingtonian groups probably failed to meet this ideal program, or to

maintain it for long. Even in itemizing the ideal program, some of the

differences between the Washingtonian groups and Alcoholics Anonymous stand

out.
The admission of nonalcoholics as members and the incorporation of the

"temperance" purpose - the inducement of total abstinence in nonalcoholics -

are


the most striking differences. Furthermore, at their best, the Washingtonian

groups possessed no understanding of alcoholism other than the possibility

of

recovery through love and sympathy. Their approach to the problem of



alcoholism

and alcohol was moralistic rather than psychological or therapeutic. They

possessed no program for personality change. The group had no resource of

ideas


to help them rise above the ideational content locally possessed. Except for

their program of mutual aid they had no pattern of organization or activity

different from existing patterns. There was far too great a reliance upon

the


pledge, and not enough appreciation of other elements in their program. Work

with other alcoholics was not required, nor was the therapeutic value of

this

work explicitly recognized. There was no anonymity to keep the public from



becoming aware of broken pledges, or to keep individuals from exploiting the

movement for prestige and fame. Finally, there was not enough understanding

of

their own therapeutic program to formulate it and thus help the new groups



to

establish themselves on a sound and somewhat uniform basis.


The differences can be brought out more clearly by a more detailed,

comparative

analysis of the Alcoholics Anonymous program - its principles, practices and

content.
1. Exclusively alcoholic membership.- There are many therapeutic values in

the

cohesiveness and solidarity which a group with a common problem can achieve.



But

in the light of the Washingtonian experience, the greatest long-run value of

an

exclusively alcoholic membership is that it permits and reinforces exclusive



attention to the rehabilitation of alcoholics.
2. Singleness of purpose. - As stated in the masthead of an organizational

publication (23), Alcoholics Anonymous "is not allied with any sect,

denomination, politics, organization or institution; does not wish to engage

in

any controversy, neither endorses nor opposes any causes. Our primary



purpose is

to stay sober and help other alcoholics to achieve sobriety."


Nothing can divide groups more quickly - and certainly destroy the

therapeutic

atmosphere effectively - than religious and political controversy. Strong

efforts were made in the Washingtonian movement to minimize sectarian,

theological and political differences, but the movement did not avoid

attracting

to itself the hostile emotions generated by these conflicts. Even if it had

been


more successful in this regard, it was still caught in all the controversy

to

which the temperance cause had become liable. Not only that, but within the



temperance movement itself it eventually became stranded on the issue of

moral


suasion versus legal action.
In the light of this experience, the position of Alcoholics Anonymous stands

in

decided and hopeful contrast. In refusing to endorse or oppose causes, and



particularly the temperance cause, A.A. is avoiding the greatest handicap

which


the Washingtonian movement had. Some temperance leaders may deplore that

A.A.


does not give them support, but they have no grounds for complaining that

they


are being opposed or hampered by A.A.
The A.A. program also contains a happy formula for avoiding the religious or

theological controversies which could easily develop even within the groups

as

presently constituted. This is the use of the term "Power" (greater or



higher),

and particularly the phrase "as we understood Him," in referring to this

Power,

or God. The tolerance which this phrase has supported is an invaluable



asset.
A further value of this single-minded concentration on the rehabilitation of

alcoholics is made obvious by the Washingtonian experience. Whenever, and as

long as, the Washingtonians were working hard at the reclamation of

drunkards,

they had notable success and the movement thrived and grew. This would

support


the idea that active outreach to other alcoholics is a factor in therapeutic

success and, at the same time, a necessary condition for growth - and even

for

survival. Entirely aside from the matter of controversy, then, this



singleness

of A.A. purpose is a condition of continued therapeutic success and

survival.
3. An adequate, clear-cut program of recovery. - Another great asset of

Alcoholics Anonymous is the ideology which forms the content and context of

its

program of recovery, and which has received clear and attractive expression



in

the book Alcoholics Anonymous (24) and in other A.A. literature. This

ideology

incorporates the much sounder understanding of alcoholism which has been

developed in recent years. It is a pragmatic blend of that which scientific

research, dynamic psychology and mature religion have to offer; and through

the

literature of the movement, the members are kept sympathetically oriented to



the

developments in these fields.


Accordingly, instead of viewing alcoholism with a moralistic eye on alcohol

- as


an evil which ought to be abandoned - A.A. sees alcoholism as an illness,

symptomatic of a personality disorder. Its program is designed to get at the

basic problem, that is, to bring about a change in personality.
This program is simply and clearly stated in the Twelve Steps - augmented by

the


"24 hour program" of abstaining from alcohol, and the supporting slogans and

emphases such as "First things first," "Live and let live," "Easy does it,"

"Keep an open mind," honesty, humility, and so forth. Great stress is also

put


upon regular attendance at the group meetings, which are characterized by

the


informal exchange of experiences and ideas and by a genuinely satisfying

fellowship.


Compared to the Washingtonian brand, the A.A. sharing of experiences is

notably


enriched by the psychological insights which have been brought into the

group by


A.A. literature and outside speakers. A thorough analysis and catharsis is

specifically asked for in the Twelve Steps - as well as an improvement in

relations to other persons. Work with other alcoholics is required, and the

therapeutic value accruing to the sponsor of new members is distinctly

recognized. The spiritual part of the program is more clearly and

inclusively

defined; more soundly based, and more frankly made an indispensable

condition of

recovery.
It appears, furthermore, that the A.A. group activity is more satisfactory

to

the alcoholic than was the case in many Washingtonian societies. A.A.



members

seem to find all the satisfaction and values in their groups that the

founders

of the various orders thought were lacking in the Washingtonian groups.


A decided Washingtonian weakness was its general lack of follow-through. In

contrast, A.A. is particularly strong on this point, providing a potent

follow-through in a group setting where self-analysis and catharsis are

stimulated; where new attitudes toward alcohol, self and others are learned;

where the feeling tones are modified through a new quality of relationships;

where, in short, a new way of life is acquired - one which not only enables

the

person to interact with his environment (particularly with other persons)



without the use of alcohol, but enables him to do so on a more mature,

satisfying basis.


No doubt a similar change occurred in many (though probably not in most) of

the


alcoholic Washingtonians, but it was more by a coincidence, within and

without


the societies, of circumstances that were rarely understood and never

formulated

into a definite, repeatable program. A.A. is infinitely better equipped in

this


respect.
4. Anonymity. - A comparison with the Washingtonian experience underscores

the


sheer survival value of the principle of anonymity in Alcoholics Anonymous.

At

the height of his popularity, John B. Gough either "slipped" or was tricked



by

his enemies into a drunken relapse. At any rate, the opponents of the

Washingtonian movement seized upon this lapse with glee and made the most of

it

to hurt Gough and the movement. This must have happened frequently to less



widely known but nevertheless publicly known Washingtonians. Public

confidence

in the movement was impaired. Anonymity protects the reputation of A.A. from

public criticism not only of "slips" but also of failures, internal

tensions,

and all deviant behaviour.


Equally important, anonymity keeps the groups from exploiting prominent

names


for the sake of group prestige; and it keeps individual members from

exploiting

their A.A. connection for personal prestige or fame. This encourages

humility


and the placing of principles above personalities. Such behaviour not only

generates outside admiration of A.A. but has therapeutic value for the

individual members. There are further therapeutic values in anonymity: it

makes


it easier for alcoholics to approach A.A., and it relaxes the new member. It

encourages honest catharsis and utter frankness. It protects the new member

from

the critical eyes of certain acquaintances while he experiments with this



new

way of life, for fumbling and failure will be hidden.


5. Hazard-avoiding traditions. - Another decisive contrast to the

Washingtonian

movement is the development in Alcoholics Anonymous not only of a relatively

uniform program of recovery but also of relatively uniform traditions for

avoiding the usual hazards to which organizations are subject.
In Alcoholics Anonymous there is actually no overhead authority. Wherever

two or


three alcoholics get together to attain sobriety on the general basis of the

Twelve Step program they may call themselves an A.A. group. They are free to

conduct their activities as they see fit. As would be expected in a

fellowship

of independent groups, all kinds of practices and policies have been tried.

A

careful reading of the A.A. publication, A.A. Tradition (25), will reveal



how

great the variety has been, here and there. Membership has been limited.

Conduct

of groups has been undemocratic. Leaders have exploited the groups for



personal

prestige. The principle of anonymity has been violated. Personal and

jurisdictional rivalries have developed. Money, property and organizational

difficulties have disrupted A.A. groups. Members and groups, yielding to

their

own enthusiasms and reflecting the patterns of other institutions around



them,

have endangered the immediate and ultimate welfare of the A.A. fellowship.

These deviations could have been serious had there not existed a

considerable

uniformity in practice and principle.
In the early days of A.A., the entire fellowship was bound together by a

chain


of personal relationships - all created on the basis of a common program, a

common spirit and a common tradition. This spirit and this pragmatically

achieved program and tradition were the only guiding principles, and

relative


uniformity was not difficult. Alcoholics Anonymous was just a fellowship -

small, informal, poor and unpretentious. But with growth, prosperity and

prestige, the difficulties of getting all groups and members to see the

value of


these guiding principles increased. A self-conscious statement and

explanation

was needed - and this finally emerged in 1947 and 1948 in the "Twelve Points

of

Tradition," elaborated upon in editorials in The A.A. Grapevine (23) and



subsequently published as a booklet (25).
In formulating and stating the reasons for these traditions, Bill W., one of

the


founders, has continued the extremely valuable function which he, Dr. Bob

and


other national leaders have performed - that of keeping intact the

experienced

based program and principles of A.A. Perhaps as important as any other is

the


tradition of keeping authority in principles rather than letting it become

vested in offices and personalities. This tradition is supported by the

related

principle of rotating leadership, and the concept that leaders are merely



the

trusted servants of the group or groups. The hazard-avoiding values of these

traditions are obvious.
The tradition that membership be open to any alcoholic has value in

countering

the tendency toward exclusiveness, class-consciousness, cliquishness - and

it

helps to keep the groups focused on their main job of helping the "alcoholic



who

still suffers."


The tradition of complete self-support of A.A. groups and activities by the

voluntary contributions of A.A. members avoids the dangers inherent in fixed

dues, assessments, public solicitations, and the like - and it is conducive

to

self-reliance and self-respect. Furthermore, in minimizing money it



maximizes

fellowship.


The tradition that "any considerable property of genuine use to A.A. should

be

separately incorporated and managed" is important in keeping the A.A. groups



from becoming entangled in the problems of property beyond the minimum

necessary

for their own functioning. The tradition of "the least possible

organization"

has a similar value. These last three traditions might be summed up as

precautions against the common tendency to forget that money, property and

organization are only means - and that means find their rightful place only

when


the end is kept clearly in view. For A.A., these traditions should help to

keep


the groups concentrated on their prime purpose: helping alcoholics recover.
The existence of these traditions - and their clear formulation - are assets

which the Washingtonian movement never possessed.


What prognosis for Alcoholics Anonymous is suggested by this comparison with

the


Washingtonian movement?
The least that can be said is that the short life of the Washingtonian

movement


simply has no parallel implications for A.A. Despite certain but limited

similarities in origins, purpose and early activities, the differences are

too

great to draw the conclusion of a similar fate for A.A.


Are the differences, then, of such a nature as to assure a long life for

Alcoholics Anonymous? This much can be said with assurance of consensus: (A)

In

the light of our present-day knowledge, A.A. has a sounder program of



recovery

than the Washingtonians achieved. (B) A.A. has avoided many of the

organizational hazards which plagued the Washingtonian societies. The

success


and growth of A.A. during more than a decade of public life, its present

vigour


and its present unity underscore these statements and augur well for the

future.
In the writer's judgment, based on a systematic study (26) of A.A., there is

no

inherent reason why A.A. should not enjoy an indefinitely continued



existence.

How long an existence will depend upon how well the leaders and members

continue

to follow the present program and principles - that is, how actively A.A.

members will continue to reach out to other alcoholics; how thoroughly the

remainder of the A.A. program will continue to be practiced, particularly

the

steps dealing with catharsis and the spiritual aspects; and, how closely all



groups will be guided by the present traditions.
Finally, the writer would suggest that the value in the traditions lies

chiefly


in the avoidance of factors that can easily interfere with keeping the ideal

therapeutic atmosphere found in the small A.A. groups at their best. Most of

the

personality change necessary for recovery from alcoholism occurs in these



small

groups - and that work is at its very best when there is a genuinely warm,

nonegocentric fellowship. How well this quality of fellowship is maintained

in

the small, local groups is offered, therefore, as another condition



determining

how bright the future of A.A. will be.


Whatever the worth of these judgments, they point up the potential value to

A.A.


of careful, objective research on these and related conditions. This would

give


Alcoholics Anonymous another asset that the Washingtonians never had.
Yours in service,

Jim M,


http://www.silkworth.net/
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++++Message 6403. . . . . . . . . . . . Did Bill Wilson and Eddie

Rickenbacker ever meet?

From: Stephen . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/19/2010 6:56:00 PM
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I am researching whether or not Eddie Rickenbacker

and Bill Wilson ever met one another during the

course of their lives -- during Bill's training at

Plattsburg, New York, or in France during WW I, or

maybe after AA was founded?
Any information, or suggestions as to where I

could look?


Thank you. Steve A.
- - - -
From G.C. the moderator:
See http://health.groups.yahoo.com/group/AAHistoryLovers/message/4476
Eddie Rickenbacker story in the 12&12 (Tradition One, page 131)
"Countless times, in as many cities and

hamlets, we reenacted the story of Eddie

Rickenbacker and his courageous company when

their plane crashed in the Pacific. Like us,

they had suddenly found themselves saved from

death, but still floating upon a perilous

sea. How well they saw that their common

welfare came first. None might become selfish

of water or bread. Each needed to consider

the others, and in abiding faith they knew

they must find their real strength. And this

they did find, in measure to transcend all

the defects of their frail craft, every test

of uncertainty, pain, fear, and despair, and

even the death of one."
Bill Wilson also referred to the Eddie Rickenbacker story on a couple of

other


occasions, see:
http://health.groups.yahoo.com/group/AAHistoryLovers/message/27
"Our numbers are considerable. We have size. There is great security in

numbers.


You can't imagine how it was in the very first two or three years of this

thing


when nobody was sure that anybody could stay sober...Then we were like the

people on Eddie Rickenbacker's raft. Boy, anybody rock that raft, even a

little,

and he was sure to be clobbered, that's all, and then thrown overboard. But



today it's a different story."
"Along with greater security in numbers, there has come a certain amount of

liability. The more people there are to do a job, it often turns out, the

less

there are. In other words, what is everybody's business is nobody's



business. So

size is bound to bring complacency unless we get increasingly aware of

what's

going on."


http://health.groups.yahoo.com/group/AAHistoryLovers/message/57

and http://health.groups.yahoo.com/group/AAHistoryLovers/message/1695


"I remember very well when this committee started (January 1944) It brought

me

in contact with our great friends at Yale, the courageous Dr. Haggard, the



incredible Dr. Jellinek or 'Bunky' as we affectionately know him and Seldon

[Bacon] and all those dedicated people."


"The question arose, could an AA member get into education or research or

what


not? Then ensued a fresh and great controversy in AA which was not

surprising

because you must remember that in this period we were like people on

Rickenbacker's raft. Who would dare ever rock us ever so little and

precipitate

us back in the alcohol sea."


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++++Message 6404. . . . . . . . . . . . Interesting book: Treatment of Black

Alcoholics

From: diazeztone . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/23/2010 4:04:00 PM
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Interesting book: Treatment of Black Alcoholics

by Frances Larry Brisbane, Maxine Womble.


I found this while researching books and articles

written by Milton Maxwell.


http://books.google.com/books?id=DA7SmDh-X5cC&d
LD Pierce

www.aabibliography.com


summary page for milton maxwell

www.aabibliography.com/milton_a_maxwell.html


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++++Message 6405. . . . . . . . . . . . H. P. Lovecraft

From: JoeA . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/24/2010 11:51:00 AM


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I was wondering if anyone knew if Bill Wilson and HP Lovecraft had ever

encountered each other. The Wilsons were at 182 Clinton Street, and H. P.

Lovecraft rented rooms at 169 Clinton Street.
- - - -
169 Clinton Street, Brooklyn, New York. "Something unwholesome -- something

furtive -- something vast lying subterrenely in obnoxious slumber -- that

was

the soul of 169 Clinton St. at the edge of Red Hook, and in my great



northwest

room 'The Horror at Red Hook' was written."

--HPL in a letter to Bernard Austin Dwyer, March 26, 1927
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++++Message 6406. . . . . . . . . . . . Libraries with major holdings on

alcoholism

From: nuevenueve@ymail.com . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/24/2010 8:23:00 PM
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Hello Group:
Do you know whether there are, anywhere in the world, some libraries with

specialized holdings on alcoholism, AA material, other recovery programs,

addictions and all related items?
Maybe some of the pharmaceutical companies, but libraries where the general

public can have access to the books.


Thank you.
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++++Message 6407. . . . . . . . . . . . Re: Interesting book: Treatment of

Black Alcoholics

From: rriley9945@aol.com . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/24/2010 9:01:00 PM
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Frances Brisbane was for the longest time the head of the Social Work

program at

SUNY Stony Brook.
- - - -
Original Message from: diazeztone
Interesting book: Treatment of Black Alcoholics

by Frances Larry Brisbane, Maxine Womble.


I found this while researching books and articles

written by Milton Maxwell.


http://books.google.com/books?id=DA7SmDh-X5cC&d
LD Pierce

www.aabibliography.com


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++++Message 6408. . . . . . . . . . . . RE: H. P. Lovecraft

From: J. Lobdell . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/24/2010 9:21:00 PM


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I can't swear to it, but my recollection is that Lovecraft left Brooklyn

Heights


ca 1927, before Bill and Lois were there. It is of course possible they met

when HPL visited Samuel Loveman around New Year's Eve 1933 (HPL's only time

back

while Bill was there?), but unless Bill frequented Dauber & Pine's Bookshop



on

lower 5th Ave (which I doubt), there's no reason he would have known

Loveman.

And HPL was pretty much a teetotaller, besides being a Roosevelt supporter

--

not fertile ground for a meeting. But I don't know for sure.


> To: AAHistoryLovers@yahoogroups.com

> From: joeadams1950@gmail.com

>

> I was wondering if anyone knew if Bill Wilson and HP Lovecraft had ever



encountered each other. The Wilsons were at 182 Clinton Street, and H. P.

Lovecraft rented rooms at 169 Clinton Street.

>
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++++Message 6409. . . . . . . . . . . . The outlaw safe cracker

From: Glenn Chesnut . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/24/2010 10:20:00 PM


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Harriet D. has asked us about a line on page 62 in the Big book, in the

chapter


on How It Works.
This line refers to: "the outlaw safe cracker who thinks society has wronged

him."
Do any of our experts on early twentieth century U.S. history or literature

or

the lives of famous outlaws recognize that as a reference to any specific



person

or group of people who would have been well known to the average American in

1939?
Did Willie Sutton ever engage in safecracking, or did he just hold a

Thompson


submachine gun or a pistol on the tellers and demand the money in their cash

drawers? And had he become well known enough by 1939, that the general

public

would have recognized his name?


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++++Message 6410. . . . . . . . . . . . Modern A.A. Recovery Rates

From: Glenn Chesnut . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/27/2010 1:59:00 PM


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From: Harriet Dodd

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