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Table 1 (next page) displays the ablaut patterns that are assumed in the
Duden-grammar (Drosdowski et al. 1995: 125, anomalies excepted). The
vowels are listed in standard order (infinitive - past indicative - past partici-
ple). Numbers in parentheses after the infinitives of the verbs refer to the
number of (non-derived) verbs that select the respective ablaut pattern (ac-
cording to the Duden-grammar).5 However, in contrast to the practice in the
Duden-grammar, which arranges patterns according to frequency, gradations
in Table 1 are collected into seven classes, which will be defined in strictly
synchronic terms below. These classes continue the historical seven classes
known from reference grammars (e.g., Paul 1989; Curme 1922); the usual
numbering is kept in order to facilitate simple and intuitive references. Vowel
notation follows Kohler (1995: 169-175, ‘phonetic-phonematic transcription’).
Such an arrangement highlights certain patterns that go beyond single
gradations. Not less than twelve gradations exhibit /o:/ or
h i
in both the past
indicative and the past participle. It is mainly the verbs of the historical second
class that follow this pattern, but many have joined this class in Modem Ger-
man. Moreover, this o-o-pattern is only one among others that transcend single
gradations; other classes, too, show notable uniformities (which are made to
stand out in Table 1 by bold face). Order according to frequency (as in the
Duden-grammar) obliterates the class-related conformities beyond recognition.
(The twelve gradations that exhibit the o-o-pattem are listed as the 4th, 5th,
7th, 13th, 18th, 19th, 20th, 22nd, 28th, 36th, 37th and 38th gradation, respec-
tively!)
Similar treatments are even found in work that is explicitly theoretical in
orientation. The resulting complete disfigurement often serves as a basis for
denying the existence of a system of ablaut in German. Richard Wiese (1996:
113), who presents ablaut patterns in alphabetical order by the stem vowels of
infinitives, arrives at the conclusion that ablaut “is, synchronically, a totally
unpredictable vowel change [...].” This opinion is quite common and may well
be addressed as the received view. Even standard reference grammars now
tend to treat strong verbs as ‘irregular verbs’, thus returning to a position
w e r d e n
* ‘to become’, HABENW ‘to have’, TUNW ‘to do’, GEHENW ‘to go’ and STEHENW ‘to
stand’ are among the anomalous verbs. Furthermore, there are doublets of strong and weak
verbs (like
w e be n
'!':
weben/wob/gewoben vs. WEBEN*:
weben/webte/gewebt), which may
differ in their syntactic, semantic and/or stylistic properties. See Curme (1922: 315-318)
and Hclbig & Buscha (1987: 46-49) for details.
5 Prefixed and compound verbs are not counted, excepting cases that no longer correlate
with simple strong verbs. Note, however, that the huge class of prefixed and compound
strong verbs is a major factor that contributes to the importance of strong verbs in German;
see Griesbach & Uhlig (1994).
101
entertained by linguists of the 17th century like Schottelius (1663:549, 569-
603).
Clas
s
pattern
example
(number of
verbs)
Clas
s
pattem
example
(number of
verbs)
Clas
s
pattem
example
(number of
verbs)
i /ai i i/
reiten (23)
in /
1
a o' binden (19)
VI /a u: a/ schaffen (4)
/ai i: i:/ bleiben (16)
/i a a/ spinnen (6)
/a: u: a:/ fahren (6)
le a 3/
bergen (9)
ii /i o o/ schinden (1)
IV /e a: 3/ sprechen (5) VII /u: i: u:/ rufen (1)
/i 3 3/ glimmen (2)
/e: a: a/ nehmen (1)
Io: i: o:/ stoßen (1)
/e
3
3
/ fechten (7)
/e: a: of stehlen (3)
/au i: au/ laufen (2)
/CE 3 3/ erlöschen (1)
/
e
: a: oil gebären (1)
/
e
i
a/ hängen (1)
j /a 3 3 / erschallen (1) V /e a: e/ messen (5)
la i a/ fangen (2)
/au 3 3/ saufen (1)
/e: a: e:/ geben (6)
/a i: at fallen (3)
/i: 3 3/ fließen (11)
/i a:
e
/ sitzen (1)
la: i: a:/
blasen (4)
/i: o: os/ biegen (11)
h a: e:/
bitten (1)
/ai i: ai/ heißen (1)
/y: o: o:/ lügen (3)
/i: a: e:/ liegen (1)
/e: o: o:/ heben (5)
lo a: o/ kommen (1)
/e: oi o:/ gären (3)
la: o: o:/
schwören (1)
/au o: oil saugen (2)
Table 1. Ablaut clauses and ablaut patterns (gradations)
In this paper I shall take issue with the view that there is no system of verbal
ablaut in Contemporary Standard German. It is true, there is no unique ‘opera-
tion’ (comparable to ‘fronting’ in the case of umlaut) that ablaut could be
reduced to; but certainly this does not imply that ablaut is ‘totally unpredict-
able’. More importantly, it does not follow that ablaut is a matter of mere
lexical idiosyncrasy that has to be listed on an item-by-item basis. As will be
shown there is a small number of ways to make up ablaut forms; these types of
formation are identifiable in formal terms and, what is more, they have definite
functions as morphological ‘markers’. The seven classes of verbs referred to
above are definable on this basis. As a matter of fact, for the majority of strong
verbs membership in these classes (and thus ablaut) is indeed ‘predictable’.
Note, however, that predictability in this sense is not crucial to the assumption
that ablaut is not random. Membership in a certain inflectional class is some-
times predictable from other properties of lexemes, sometimes it is not; but
then, this is the raison d'etre of inflectional classes, not a reason to dispense
with them. (You would not specify the endings of Latin noun forms on a word-