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Fig. 16: But all the others in Yugoslavia are grabbing at her feet when she is knocking on
Europe’s door (Milan Maver, Delo, May 25, 1989).
In this "rush towards Europe" Slovene politicians are, as always throughout history,
overly compliant, even servile, and prepared to make smaller or larger concessions as a
sign of "good will": closing duty-free shops; introducing visas for Balkan states; signing
the so-called Spanish compromise;
9
reacting indifferently to unofficial or semiofficial
demands from Austria about closing the nuclear power plant in Krško; recognizing the
so-called Old Austrian minority; recalling certain AVNOJ decrees and codes or possibly
even its basic resolutions and decisions on which federal Yugoslavia was created.
9
In 1993, Italy, as a condition for not impeding the signing of the Association Agreement between Slovenia and
the European Union, demanded different concessions of Slovenia. The key one concerned the property issue of
Italian refugees - after World War II - from Istria and the Slovene Primorska (coastal) region (this issue having
been already resolved with Yugoslavia). The direct Italian demands were initially comprised in the so-called
Aquileia Agreement, signed by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Lojze Peterle, but refused by the Slovene
parliament. In a milder and more general version (the so-called Spanish Compromise, made after the Spanish
Intervention), parliament passed the Italian demands in April 1996. Slovenia obligated itself to open the real-
estate market after the ratification of the Association Agreement for all those citizens of the EU who had lived in
the territory of Slovenia for at least three years (at any time in the past). Even though the Prime Minister, Janez
Drnovšek, as well as the President, Milan Kučan, interceded on behalf of the Spanish Compromise, they later
labeled it as an example of conditioning and extortion (Kučan even did so in his speech before the European
Parliament).
25
One of the consequences of the newly formed situation within the state was that Slovenes
were again faced with dilemmas and situations from the turn of the century or even
earlier; that was when they were marginalized, during either the Yugoslav or communist
period, and for which it had appeared that they would never have to deal with again.
Relations between the larger neighboring nations (Austrians - or Germans, Italians,
Hungarians) and Slovenes, which could be characterized as having been traumatic for the
past centuries, are being established anew (or as old models in a new disguise).
Incorporated among these is the extraordinary persistence of regional identities, which in
many ways prevents the development of a nation; at the same time there is a revival of
former regional centers beyond the present Republic of Slovenia (Graz, Klagenfurt,
Trieste, also Vienna in a broader context), which are slowly but reliably becoming
gravitational points for a large part of the working force from the bordering regions, and
also have a growing importance in education.
The transitional character of the country, its economic periphery, the influence of
different cultures and a linguistic endangerment seem to be permanent features in the
historical developments.
10
In psychological terms, self-assertion should be added, a belief in self-sufficiency and
prejudices towards anything different, all of which were only strengthened after attaining
independence. It is easy to substantiate through historiography how difficult it was for
"the Carniolan mind" to get used to the "different" character of those people from
Prekmurje and Primorska (the coastal region, integrated into Yugoslavia after World
War II). Prejudices and stereotypes about regional affiliations proved to be one of the most
persistent elements of the psychosocial make-up of Slovenes.
10
Peter Vodopivec, Glavne poteze in stalnice v slovenskem zgodovinskem razvoju in poskus zgodovinarjevega
pogleda v prihodnost [Main Traits and Permanent Features in Slovene Historical Development and a Historian's
Attempt to Look into the Future]. In: Slovenija po letu 1995, razmišljanja o prihodnosti [Slovenia after 1995,
Reflections on the Future], ed. Fakulteta za družbene vede (Ljubljana 1995) 30-37.
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Fig. 17: Proceeding from such a situation is also another perception of the European
Union which includes the conviction that Slovenia is experiencing unfairness, waiting in
front of the Europe’s door with no clear conditions which it has to fulfill to enter. Slovenia
feels like an unacknowledged lover (Amor), who is about to run out of arrows when
shooting at the seductive EU (Marko Kočevar, Delo, January 1995).
Another discernible syndrome conditioned by history and arising from the lack
of state tradition is "snitching" on the opposing political option abroad and the
search for an external arbiter for internal conflicts. Where Slovene politicians
previously turned to Vienna and Belgrade, they now turn to Brussels.
11
11
The most recent instance, but not the only one, was the pursuit for arbitration with the so-called Venice
Commission - the "Democracy through Law" commission of the European Council - concerning the election
system just before the elections in October 2000. The conflict was instigated by the Prime Minister at the time,
who did not agree with - an otherwise perfectly legal - decision of the Parliament.
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