Souleimanov & Kraus
28
usually chant
tork-e khar, meaning ‘Turkish donkey,’ usually accompanied by an
imitation of a braying donkey, which in this context takes on a more offensive note
than more harmless jokes. In response the Azerbaijanis have increasingly been
observed to shout maymun-e farsi, meaning ‘Persian monkey’, or sag-e farsi, meaning
‘Persian dog.’
47
This can then lead to bloody clashes, with the police usually siding
with the Persians. The ethnic hostility between Persians and Azerbaijanis at soccer
stadiums can even assume international dimensions. Especially at Azadi Stadium,
where both of the main Tehran soccer teams (Esteghlal and Persepolis) play their
home matches, there have recently been instances of ethnic Persians provoking
their Azerbaijani rivals by bringing Armenian flags with them to matches.
48
They
then wave those flags with the intent of stirring up nationalistic passions by making
reference to the war over Nagorno-Karabakh and Iran’s support for Armenia in
that conflict. Banners with inscriptions like Azerbaijan is an integral part of Iran have
also been unfurled.
49
Photographs of Persian fans with Armenian flags have been
published both on Azerbaijani and Persian fan forums and Facebook pages.
Azerbaijani reactions have begun to appear in the same manner in the form of
photographs desecrating the Armenian flag by burning or stepping on it.
50
It is not surprising that such explosive passions lead to outbursts of violence at
soccer games. The violence tends to have two forms: either it is aimed at
government targets, or it takes place between fans of rival clubs. In the former case,
celebrations of victories or frustration over losses can be transformed into rage
against the regime, as was witnessed most strikingly in 2001 during a qualifying
match for the World Cup. After a defeat of the Iranian national team by the
Bahrainians, there were massive protests by thousands of young fans who attacked
government buildings and the police. Of course, a victory can also lead to riots, like
in 1997 and 2005, when Iran qualified for the World Cup, and the subsequent street
celebrations led to the public drinking of alcohol, women taking off their hijabs, and
47
Neyereh Tohidi, “Iran: Regionalism, Ethnicity And Democracy,” OpenDemocracy.net, June 28, 2006,
http://www.opendemocracy.net/democracy-irandemocracy/regionalism_3695.jsp.
48
Josef Kraus was present at a game between Esteghlal Tehran and Tabriz Tractor, and he observed the
entire situation. March 2013, Tehran.
49
“Fans of Tehran Football Club Attend Match with Tebriz with Armenian Flags,” News.az, March 12, 2013,
http://www.news.az/articles/armenia/77791.
50
Facebook Traxtor Club 1970, May 29,
2013,https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=616456738366242&set=a.115435995134988.18124.115428545
135733&type=1&relevant_count=1.
Iran’s Azerbaijani Question in Evolution
29
men and women dancing together, all of which is prohibited in Iran.
51
Clashes
between fans of different teams are also nothing unusual, although local members
of the soccer subculture claim that those clashes are less vigorous than they were
some years ago. The fans of Tractor Tabriz are generally regarded (by the Iranian
media, among others) as the most aggressive, and there is a widespread opinion
among Persian observers that they often travel to see matches in order to get into
fights.
52
It should be added that soccer violence is far less refined and organized in
Iran than in some European countries – there are fewer prearranged riots and
attacks, and violence is more ad hoc and disorderly. The fans remain fearful of police
repression, arrest, and legal consequences. State security forces systematically
repress soccer hooliganism, especially if it is connected with anti-regime or
nationalistic manifestations. This applies in particular to soccer matches with teams
of non-Persian provenience, and especially Tabriz. In other words, the issue is not
one of general soccer violence, but the manifestation of Azerbaijani nationalism
and expressions of anti-Persian sentiment. The secret police are regularly deployed
at games that present a security risk, and they monitor the situation and identify
potential rowdies. The stadium police presence tends to be significant, and Basij
units monitor streets after games.
53
Although the Iranian police and secret services pay a great deal of attention to
soccer hooligans, the fans of Tractor Tabriz represent neither a particular
subculture nor an underground movement. Cooperation among fans tends to be
ad hoc rather than organized. The polarization of society according to ethnic and
linguistic criteria thus continues to escalate, as do tensions between Persian and
Azerbaijani youth. This polarization has had somewhat of an impact on the
members of Iran’s other, less populous Turkic communities, which now identify
more strongly with their Turkic roots than before.
Looking Towards Turkey
The Turkic identity of the Iranian Azerbaijanis has been gradually gaining strength
since the mid-1990s and reaches far beyond the realm of sports. Unlike in the past,
emphasizing Turkic identity is no longer a punishable offense, nor is it socially
51
Sohail Jannesari, “Iran, Football and Violence – Whose Side Is The Regime On?” The Independent Blogs,
2011, http://blogs.independent.co.uk/2011/01/21/iran-football-and-violence-%E2%80%93-whose-side-is-the-
regime-on/.
52
Interview by Josef Kraus with Masoud Sikkah, a fan of Esteghlal Tehran, March 2013, Tehran.
53
Interview of Josef Kraus with a fan of Tabriz Tractor soccer club, March 2013, Tabriz.