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It has been established from archaeology research that the monument was
shaped approximately as a square with sides of 400 m each, the total area equal to
16 hectares (Fig. 7). The central edifice – the palace – was surrounded by a mighty
defensive wall, with a thickness of 6 m at the base. Along the perimeter of the walls
were semicircular towers, which, like the fortress of Karshi, took the role of
buttresses.
33
In relief, the central part of the site of the ancient settlement
represents a hill 70 by 70 m in size and 2-2.5 m high. The space between the hill
(palace) and the walls shows no traces of buildings whatsoever, which could speak
to the fact that the area was covered by tents of confidants and relatives of the khan.
The excavations conducted on the central hill have uncovered a row of living-
quarters and a small courtyard with an open colonnade (ivan), constructed of burnt
bricks. The palace, as the topography of the hill suggests, was most likely a square
with a central courtyard about 11 by 11 m.
34
Most likely, Zanjir Sarai, situated
approximately 2.5 km from the Kashkadarya River, supplied itself with water from
the river by means of a channel. The city headquarters would have presented a
bright spectacle with a multitude of colorful tents, arranged in the appointed order
with regard to the palace, as described at Plano Carpini. If one adds to this the green
plantings that must have existed, the sight would been very picturesque. The place
and its nearby hunting grounds enjoyed great popularity under the Mongolian khans
and Turkic emirs, who often stayed there. Amir Timur inherited Zanjir Sarai in 1370,
and spent a lot of time preparing his military campaigns. During one of these
campaigns Khan Tohtamysh of the Golden Horde seized the opportunity and raided
Maverranakhr, and as a result Zanjir Sarai was destroyed and never restored.
One of the book miniatures of the 15th century (1486) from the Zafar nama of
Sharaf al Din Ali Yazdi, depicts, in all probability, Zanjir Saraj.
35
The miniature
represents a banquet scene outside a structure, with music and dancing before an
enthroned personage (evidently Timur) in the center (Fig. 8). The most interesting
element of the composition is the fortification wall – with the tops of yurts located
inside of the wall. It very much resembles the summer residence of a ruler, and it is
tempting to associate this composition with Sanjir Sarai in the Kashkadarya valley.
A similarly planned archaeological site of Kashkadarya is Zanjir Dumolok,
located 1.5 km to the north of Zanjir Sarai. Here a low hill (1-1.5 m high) with a
diameter of 30 m was situated in the center of secluded ramparts in a square. The
traces of the ramparts were only visually determined; however, according to the
local residents, the ramparts had existed until the 1970s, when during the
excavation many archaeological sites were leveled.
36
The size of this site is
33
A. A. Raimkulov, D. N. Sultonova, “Cities and Settlements of Mongol and Timurid Time in the
Kashkadarya Valley (Archaeological Studies, Interpretation, Localization),” Civilizations of Nomadic and
Sedentary Peoples of Central Asia, UNESCO, Samarkand-Bishkek, 2005, 218.
34
Raimkulov and Sultonova, “Cities and Settlements…”, 218-19.
35
D. J. Roxburgh (Ed.) Turks: a journey of a thousand years, 600-1600, Royal Academy of Arts, London,
2005, ill. 172. Türk ve İslâm Eserleri Müzesi Akbank, İstanbul 2002, 220.
36
Raimkulov and Sultonova, “Cities and Settlements ,”220.
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considerably smaller than Zanjir Sarai, and, most likely belonged to a less wealthy
owner.
The transitional phase from nomadic life to settling in one place is
archaeologically reflected in the site of Kalai Zakhoki Maron. Today, this site, as
ascertained by archaeologists, represents the earliest type of this intermediate
period. We have every reason to assume that, provided the global climate has not
changed significantly, this space was already built up with structures in mud bricks
instead of nomadic tents. As the archaeological studies of Kalai Zakhoki Maron have
shown, this site remained vacant; the reason of this phenomenon remains so far
unclear.
The first wave of these numerous migrations is connected with the movement
of Yueh Chih of the Chinese sources, and depicts their people’s wanderings. After
they settled in the territory of Central Asia, these nomads formed the core of the
future Kushan Empire.
The archaeological evidence from the walls of Ai Khanum confirms this
supposition (Leriche 1986: pl. 14). Here in the ‘lower city’, in trench no. 1, during
excavation of the fortification wall, it was discovered that the wall had been
repaired. It was strengthened with soil that had been taken from the moat which
surrounded the wall. It is interesting to note that there was no connection between
the re-fortified wall and dwelling complex. What is more, within the walls of the
former city, burials of nomad type were discovered. Does this testify to the
preservation and function of a fortification system after the destruction of the city?
In this case, did it protect the nomads and their temporary camp within the
destroyed city? I think, in this case, the answer can be yes.
The second great wave of nomads is connected with the invasion by the Tatar-
Mongols of the territory of Central Asia in the thirteenth century. This period is
better known from written sources, and scholars have a greater wealth of
archaeological material. It is noteworthy that the design of the nomadic city
resembles that of a much earlier period. The starting point of the architectural
layout is the palace ("orda"), located in the center. This is enclosed on four sides
with strong defensive walls – usually, the sides of the walls form a figure close to a
square. The space between the walls and the palace is usually a level surface,
without any traces of construction. Recall that in the above cited sources, the center
of the city plan is occupied by the imperial tent, which surpasses in size the tents of
the subjects and is more richly furnished.
One can therefore surmise that the first stage of the nomads settling into one
place was expressed in the construction of a palace, already built of the more
durable material of mud bricks characteristic of the early period, and of burnt brick
(terracotta) for the medieval period. The archaeological data allows us also to
assume that the erection of a palace and the fortification of the surrounding area
occurred simultaneously. The decisive moment in the transformation of the
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