2
2
.
.
3
3
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a
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1
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5
And, whilst he claims: ‘I do not make speeches. I only ‘converse’ with you’
31
—
contrasting the pragmatically focussed nature of his discourses with what he char-
acterizes as the merely aesthetically pleasing speeches of other orators—one of the
things that Haraldsson (1997) notes of him, is that, even in private conversation,
he is apt to deliver ‘monologues’. This is very much my impression also. Mata
Betty specifically instructed us not to ask Sathya Sai Baba any questions for which
we could get answers from his discourses, and yet—as even the small sample of
his answers to my specific questions that we saw in the first chapter shows—his
tendency is to answer most personal questions with general religious material that
he might just as easily deliver in a public discourse to thousands of people from all
manner of cultural backgrounds.
Clearly, when he speaks, it is not audience dynamics that are foremost in his
mind. Or perhaps, rather, I would suggest, there is a sense in which his primary
audience is internal. We have seen that his background is certainly conducive to
his having internalized a large number of “Hindu” religious traditions, and, with
the various “innovations” that he makes in respect to these (see Section 1.4), it is
almost as if they constitute his audience. For this reason, then, in addition to the
reasons that I gave in Section 1.4, considering his views against a background of
these traditions, rather than focussing upon the views of his followers (who often,
as we saw Babb note, are unaware of these traditions), is thus appropriate.
I will thus begin my “history of the avatar ideas as they relate to Sathya Sai
Baba’s teachings”—albeit that, as has been the case in this chapter, I will proceed
only roughly chronologically, dividing my treatment thematically as I progress. Alf
Hiltebeitel (1983:207) cites Madeleine Biardeau as presenting a significant chal-
lenge to academic models that ‘treat the history of Hinduism in relatively discrete
stages: the sacrificial religion of the Brāhmaṇas; the Upaniṣadic way of knowledge;
bhakti in the late Upaniṣads, epics, Purāṇas, and sectarian traditions; tantra (im-
pacting upon the latter two); and either sidelight or limelight treatment of the de-
velopment of the philosophical systems’. But, “relatively discrete” or otherwise,
these headings do describe an approximate chronological sequence of rough
strands in traditional thought, and like the term “tradition” discussed earlier, are
unavoidable in that they have been extensively used by previous scholars for this
purpose. I will thus employ some of them in a loose sense hereunder—taking
them on a purely pragmatic and provisional level.
31
Sathya Sai Baba (22-1-1960) SSS1 153
1
1
2
2
6
6
2
2
.
.
S
S
T
T
U
U
D
D
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A
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A
In Chapter 3, then, I will consider the antecedents of ideas of the avatars as
found in the Vedas, Brāhmaṇas, Upaniṣads, Epics and other ancient traditional
works, further focusing in the process upon themes of divine kingship, sacrifice,
and cosmogony. I use the term “ancient” here more or less as it is used in West-
ern classical history (i.e. as referring to the period prior to c.500
CE
)—again, not
because I believe that there is any exact analogy between this period and that
which I am considering here, but simply because it is a convenient and well-
known designation, and one that has long been applied to Indian history. Simi-
larly, in Chapter 4, I will focus upon “medieval” traditions—although, in line with
common Indological practice, I will extend this period up until the time of the ‘full
establishment of British rule in the late eighteenth century’
32
. I include in this pe-
riod the Purāṇas (although some of them date from just prior to its onset) and
some of the more “philosophical” and “devotional” strands of traditional thought.
I will also touch upon the early influence of non-Hindu religious traditions, and
will adopt a geographical and political focus in considering medieval South Indian
parallels to Sathya Sai Baba’s ideas. Finally, in Chapter 5, I will investigate poten-
tial “modern” influences upon, and parallels to, Sathya Sai Baba’s divine persona.
I should note that recent work by especially Velcheru Narayana Rao and David
Shulman (e.g. 2001,2006) has identified something of a “modern” mindset operat-
ing in certain medieval South Indian settings (see p.293 below), but I am not so
interested here in precisely defining what may or may not be “modern” as in for-
mulating a rough and broad chronological peri0dization within which to consider
my material. For my purposes here, taking “modern Hinduism” to begin at to-
wards the end of the eighteenth century (and in northern India) seems to be most
appropriate. By then, the influence of modernist Christianity (seeing Christianity
as the fulfilment of all other religions, see p.193), modern Western philosophy, in-
dustrialization, English education, and a sense of India as a nation-state and Hin-
duism as a religion all become apparent our material. There should be little con-
troversy in accepting these as markers of modernity, and I am not aware of much
controversy surrounding use of the designation “ancient” in the manner I have
proposed, hence using “medieval” to designate the “middle ages” should also be
acceptable. I am aware that other, more complex, chronological periodizations
have been proposed for these earlier periods of Indian history, but these are tied to
political histories to which I have mostly been unable to connect to my material.
32
Introduction to Vanita & Kidwai (2000), cf. Gwilym Beckerlegge (2001:68-69); Sarkar (1997:8ff).